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The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626 pp 285–313Cite as

Palgrave Macmillan

The Sacred Iconography of the Siege

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Part of the book series: New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture ((NABHC))

Abstract

This chapter points out the iconographic dimension of the Avar siege that was established in the fourteenth century as a result of the gradually growing popularity of the Feast of the Akathistos, which unified the first three sieges of Constantinople in Byzantine liturgy. In Byzantine and particularly post-Byzantine depictions, the siege of Constantinople became a visual realization of the second prologue to the Akathistos. However, this was in a contaminated form where the projection of motifs from the Russian attack on Constantinople in 860 can be detected. In the case of the fresco cycles of the Akathistos in Moldavian churches, it can be assumed that they were also influenced by other historical events. The conclusion notes the possible projection of this siege within the iconographic cycle of the Miracles of St Michael.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Cf. the chapter “The Akathistos”.

  2. 2.

    George of Pisidia Poem 95 and 96, 496–498; cf. also Speck 1980, 54–57.

  3. 3.

    For this feast, cf. chapter “The Akathistos”. Ševčenko (1991a, 56) ascribes the popularity of the Akathistos to its regular singing in the Byzantine monasteries, not only during the homonymous Feast but on every Friday as well.

  4. 4.

    For a general overview: Myslivec 1932, 97–130; Pätzold 1989 and Spatharakis 2005.

  5. 5.

    Velmans 1972, Fig. 2, 154 (Escorial); Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 663–665; Spatharakis 2005, 75; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1991, 448–449.

  6. 6.

    Salikova 1981, 133–135 and Gromova 2005 (cf. especially 107–114). On the icon of the Hodegetria, cf. Belting 1990, 87–91; Angelidi and Papamastorakis 2000, 373–397; Baltoyanni 2000, 144–147, Pentcheva 2006, 109–143. Cf. Garidis 1977–1984, 104.

  7. 7.

    Grozdanov 2014, 10 (also Fig. 2, 14).

  8. 8.

    Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 669, 698. In contrary, Kneževič (1966, 254) concluded that the battle scene of the siege of Constantinople occurred here for the first time as a special reflection of the historical and legendary background of the Akathistos hymn. Cf. also Velmans 1972, 138; Garidis 1977–1984, 105;

  9. 9.

    Grozdanov 1979, 278; Garidis 1977–1984, 106; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 655, 669.

  10. 10.

    Symeon Magister and Logothetes, 131.29, 245–247.

  11. 11.

    Photios, 4.45.23–31; cf. also Vasiliev 1946, 219–223; Mango 1958, 102. Wortley 1977, 111–126 and 2005, 171–187.

  12. 12.

    Vasiliev 1946, 101–102; Mango 1958, 76–77; Cutler 1975, 138–139; Belting Ihm 1976, 43–44; Kazhdan and Talbot 1991/1992, 403; Weyl Carr 2001, 63–65; Wortley 2005, 185; Pentcheva 2006, 53. Cf. also Ševčenko and Kazhdan 1991, 1294 (maphorion).

  13. 13.

    For this term Ševčenko 1991b, 1526. Cf. Symeon Magister and Logothetes, 131.29, 245–247. Also, Theophanes Continuatus (lib. 1–6, 6.15, 407.2–3) and the dependent John Skylitzes (2.12, 219.32–33) refer to this relic as an omophorion instead of a maphorion (in this connection, cf. the other variant of the chronicle of Symeon Magister and Logothetess labelled as Leon Grammatikos, 241.8). Only the Ps.-Symeon Magister (674.23) has a maphorion. The Church Slavonic version of the Chronicle of George Monachos (511.16) mentions the robe/garment (riza, gr. esthes) of the Theotokos which was supposedly taken from the Blachernai church by Photios and Emperor Michael. Similarly, cf. The Nikon Chronicle , 7. The next testimony follows Anna Komnene and the story of her father Alexios fighting the Pechenegs by Dristra in 1087. Like previous Byzantine chroniclers, Anna Komnene (7.3.9, 212.82–83) also speaks of an omophorion which Alexios had supposedly lost during the fierce fighting. Only the patriarch of Antioch John Oxeites (39.22–23), by recalling the story of the attack of the Rhos in 860, clearly calls this relic a maphorion (το άγιον της Θεομήτορος ράκος—μαφόριον σύνηθες τοΰτο καλεΐν).

  14. 14.

    This attack was not even included in the Synaxarion of the Hagia Sophia despite occasional claims: Grégoire and Orgels 1954, 141–145; however, cf. Speck 1980, 108–109, n. 194.

  15. 15.

    Theodore Laskaris, 273.30–33; cf. also 274.52–53.

  16. 16.

    Synopsis chronike, 108.19; Theodore Skoutariotes, 2199, 122.8.

  17. 17.

    Konstantin Manasi, 133. n. 18.

  18. 18.

    Alexander the Clerk, 163.

  19. 19.

    Stephen of Novgorod, 38 (the English translation on 39).

  20. 20.

    Alexander the Clerk, 163 (the English translation on 162).

  21. 21.

    On these wall paintings, cf. Tafrali 1924, 456–461; Grecu 1924, 273–289; Ulea 1963, 29–71; Meinardus 1972, 169–183; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 660, 667–669 and 1991, 455–456. Most recently, Costea 2011, 136–140 and Sullivan 2017, 31–68. For a useful overview of previous research: Ciobanu 2005, 17–32.

  22. 22.

    Cf. Among others: Grecu 1924, 279–280; Meinardus 1972, 170–171; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 669, and Sullivan 2017, 37.

  23. 23.

    Grecu 1924, 273–279, Meinardus 1972, 172–173.

  24. 24.

    Grecu 1924, 275.

  25. 25.

    Grecu 1924, 289; Meinardus 1972, 172–173; Sulivan 2017, 35, 37. Recently, Iosipescu (2016, 201) has concluded that the frescoes still reflect an imaginary siege by the Turks.

  26. 26.

    Grabar 1947, 93.

  27. 27.

    Tafrali 1924, 459; Grabar 1947, 90.

  28. 28.

    Cf. Meinardus 1972, 181–183.

  29. 29.

    Cf. Ciobanu 2005, 38–42.

  30. 30.

    For these texts, cf. the chapter “The Memory of the Siege”.

  31. 31.

    According to C. Ciobanu (2005, 22, 94), the painters of the Moldavian mural paintings could also be influenced by other stories, including that of Nestor Iskander describing the siege and fall of Constantinople in 1453, who concluded his account with a prediction of the repeated occupation of Constantinople by the Christians. Unfounded is, however, the conclusion of E. Piltz (2001, 271 and 278), according to which the scenes with the siege of Constantinople at Humor and Sucevița should only depict the scene of Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453.

  32. 32.

    Ciobanu, 2014, 26–27; cf. also Sulivan 2017, 40–49.

  33. 33.

    Grabar 1946, 101.

  34. 34.

    Recently Sullivan 2017, 55–59.

  35. 35.

    Ulea 1963, 47 and Sullivan 2017, 54–55 and n. 110 (with further literature).

  36. 36.

    Gemil 2009, 56–60 and 252–259.

  37. 37.

    Sugar 1996, 118–122; Gemil 2009, 301.

  38. 38.

    The scenes on the other church at Voroneț decorated at the same time are now lost. Meinardus 1972, 173–174; Sulivan 2017, 40.

  39. 39.

    First published by Grecu 1924, 288.

  40. 40.

    Ciobanu 2014, 21–23.

  41. 41.

    Millet 1927 (Fig. on 104); Garidis 1977–1984, 112.

  42. 42.

    On that source, cf. Morozov 2005.

  43. 43.

    Cf. Litsevoy Letopisniy Svod, 308–312. Cf. Georgij Mnich, 434.24–30 and The Chronograph of 1512, 304.

  44. 44.

    Salikova 1998, 57; Grozdanov 1980, 130–131.

  45. 45.

    On that church, cf.

  46. 46.

    On the dating of this cathedral, cf. esp. Zagraevskiy 2005, 69–92 and 2014. I owe a debt of gratitude to, A. Preobrazhensky who provided me with valuable comments and photographic documentation of this fresco.

  47. 47.

    Ikony stroganovskich votchin, 2003, 25 (Fig. on 94).

  48. 48.

    Preobrazhensky 2017, 178–179 (Fig. on 188).

  49. 49.

    Salikova 1998, 61 and 63 (Fig. 5).

  50. 50.

    Retkovskaya 1954, 16–31; Salikova 1998, 59–61; Kvlividze 2003, 223–224. Kvlividze (2003, 227) connect this scene with the emerging cult of the Deposition of the Virgin’s Robe in Muscovy, and he dates its creation in the time after the signing of a peace treaty between Tsar Boris Godunov and Tatar Khan Kazy Kirej on 29 June 1598.

  51. 51.

    Meinardus 1972, 116–119; Salikova 1998, 59–61; Kvlividze 2003, 223–225.

  52. 52.

    Kvlividze 2003, 225, 227.

  53. 53.

    Salikova 1998, 56–57; Kvlividze 2003, 81–85.

  54. 54.

    Salikova 1980, 138.

  55. 55.

    Meinardus 1972, 115–116, Salikova 1980, 141.

  56. 56.

    Kazakevich 2006, 95–96.

  57. 57.

    Salikova 1998, 64.

  58. 58.

    Sara’byanov –Smirnova, 671, image n. 628.

  59. 59.

    Salikova 1999, 264–266; fig. 1, 264 and in detail fig. 2 on 267.

  60. 60.

    Scheffer 1946, 6, 8–10; Garidis 1977–1984, 112; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 666; Salikova 1998, 64.

  61. 61.

    Kazakevich 1980, 13; Bryusova 1985, 44, 46–48, 50 (Fig. 23–26).

  62. 62.

    Yaroslavskiy khudozhestvennyy muzey 2007, 132 (fig. on 37).

  63. 63.

    Salikova 1998, 64.

  64. 64.

    Bryusova 1985, 86–87, fig. 52.

  65. 65.

    Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 663 (XII, Fig. 28).

  66. 66.

    Bryusova 1984 (fig. n. 79); Sophiya Premudrost’ Bozhya 2000, 160–161 (fig. on 161).

  67. 67.

    Prechistomu obrazu Tvoemu poklonyaemsya 1995, 130.

  68. 68.

    Ikonopis Palekha 1994, 52–53, 137, 147, (fig. XLIV).

  69. 69.

    Ural′skaya ikona, 161 (fig. on 46).

  70. 70.

    Lafontaine-Dosogne 1991, 454 (fig. 7).

  71. 71.

    There is only one such scene from the Byzantine period. It is preserved in the Lesnovo Monastery (Republic of Macedonia) and dated to 1347/1348. cf. Gabelič 1991, 112–113; 1998, 96–97 and 2004, 94–95 (Fig 103); Karapli 2009, 332; cf. also Garidis 1977–1984, 107. For the other post-Byzantine types, cf. Gabelić 2004, 228–231, 236–237 (Fig. 226b), 241–242 (Fig. 231) 264–266 and Koukiares 2006, 34, 219 (Fig. 3); 58–59, 229 (Fig. 18); 58, 270 (Fig 101); 62, 189–190, 273 (Fig. 109); 76, 188; 70, 238 (Fig. 34); 79, 188; 90, 262 (Fig. 85).

  72. 72.

    Karapli 2009, 331–332.

  73. 73.

    Koukiares 2006, 155–157.

  74. 74.

    Mango 1978, 118. The still unedited text of the Pantaleon is preserved in numerous Greek manuscripts listed by Grusková (2010, 74, n. 71). The oldest exemplar of this story is preserved in the Parisinus Graecus 1510, fol. 94v–95r from the tenth century (Tsiaples 2015, 90).

  75. 75.

    Damaskinos Stoudites, 266; Megas Synaxaristes, 187–188.

  76. 76.

    Dionysios of Fourna, 174.

  77. 77.

    Koukiares 2006, 155–157.

  78. 78.

    Gabelič 2004, 209–211 (Fig. 211); Koukiares 2006, 57 and 156.

  79. 79.

    Martynov and Snegarev 1852, 94; Malkov 1977, 378.

  80. 80.

    Malkov 1977, 378.

  81. 81.

    Gabelić 2004, 207; Koukiares 2006, 55, 156.

  82. 82.

    Gabelić 2004, 207; Koukiares 2006, 54–55.

  83. 83.

    Koukiares 2006, 71, 155.

  84. 84.

    Koukiares 2006, 89 (Fig. 69, 254).

  85. 85.

    Koukiares 2006, 73–75.

  86. 86.

    Koukiares 2006, 98.

  87. 87.

    Miracula Michaelis Archangeli, 90; cf. also Antonios Tripsychos Logos, 4, 81.8–13.

  88. 88.

    Koukiares 2006, 75; 89–90.

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    Martin Hurbanič

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Hurbanič, M. (2019). The Sacred Iconography of the Siege. In: The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626. New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16684-7_13

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