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Together We Are Stronger: Building an Indigenous Psychology Theory from Case Studies

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Abstract

In this chapter I explain the evidence base for a Southern African indigenous psychology theory of resilience. In this way I expand on propositions related to culture and context in the relationship-resourced resilience theory. I describe how we built the indigenous psychology theory grounded in data derived from three case studies with people from indigenous groups in Southern Africa that generated empirical evidence. Each study investigated aspects of psychological resilience from the perspective of indigenous people in settings that are challenged due to inequality. Data used for theory-building was generated with Southern African males and females, elders and young people, people from rural, peri-urban and urban settings whose home languages indicated a non-Western heritage. In this way I foreground the diversity of participating ethnic Southern African groups for whom flocking is a pathway to resilience. I explain how participatory reflection and action activities served as sources of textual data (translated, verbatim transcriptions of audio-recorded data), as well as observation data of the context (visual data and researcher journals). I elucidate the trustworthiness strategies used in each of the three case studies to enhance the credibility, dependability, confirmability, transferability, authenticity and relevance of the findings.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The collaboration included the co-supervisor of Ferreira’s doctoral work, Dr. Kim Blankenship, Centre for the Interdisciplinary Study of AIDS, Yale University.

  2. 2.

    Table 2.1 in Chap. 2 provides an overview of STAR as one of the three case studies in which relationship-resourced resilience theory is grounded.

  3. 3.

    Doctoral students who completed their studies in STAR include Ferreira (2006), Mnguni (2015), Mbongwe (2013), Loots (2010), and Olivier (2010). Master’s students who completed their studies in STAR include Chambati (2015), De Jager (2010), Beukes (2010), Joubert (2010), Dempster (2010), Bagherpour (2010), Mnguni (2007), McCallaghan (2007), Odendaal (2007), and Loots (2005).

  4. 4.

    All the teachers who participated in co-developing STAR are named and acknowledged in Ferreira & Ebersöhn (2012).

  5. 5.

    I reconnected with work on social capital (Bryan, 2005; Bourdieu 1986; Coleman, 1990; Olsson, Bond, Burns, Vella-Brodrick, & Swayer, 2003; Stewart, Sun, Patterson, Lemerle, & Hardie, 2004), relatedness and autonomy (Carsten, 2000, 2004; Van der Geest, 2004), relationships and social support (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Connell & Wellborn, 1991; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Skinner & Wellborn, 1994), relationships and social support (Luther, 2006; Masten, 2001; Rutter, 2000), affiliation (Taylor, 2002) and association (Rothermund & Wentura, 2004).

  6. 6.

    I presented a paper in this regard during my visiting professorship at the Fogarty Learning Centre, Edith Cowan University (2011), and later published my theorising (Ebersöhn, 2012).

  7. 7.

    In later years policy proved extremely effective in providing food to schools in low-income socio-economic settings, although school-based vegetable gardens remained the action plan of choice for many teachers at schools in challenged settings to support children and their families (DBE, 2018).

  8. 8.

    Policy-level treatment support in South Africa was only implemented in 2006 (Department of Health, 2006).

  9. 9.

    For a broad reintroduction to resilience I read Masten (2001), Rutter (2000), Cicchetti (2010), Goldstein and Brooks (2005). For an ecological view on resilience as transational processes I drew on Ungar (2008), Hopfall (2011), Lerner (2006), Ungar (2011), and Sameroff (2009). Memorable readings on social resilience included Evans (2005) and Bloom (1996), and those on collective resilience the work of Norris, Stevens, Pfefferbaum, Wyche & Pfefferbaum (2008). Theron and Theron’s (2010) work provided an overview of South African work on resilience.

  10. 10.

    I was intrigued that flocking reflected principles inherent to an African cosmology, specifically the collectiveness of an Ubuntu value system, which foregrounds kinship, collectivism and relatedness, as described by Phasha (2010), Mkhize (2006), Munyaka and Mothlabi (2009).

  11. 11.

    The Indigenous Pathways to Resilience Doctoral Lab included Malan van Rooyen (2015), De Gouveia (2015), Mohamed (2018), as well as Raphael Olorunfemi Akanmidu (who sadly passed away tragically in 2014, a month before submitting his thesis for examination). CSR affiliates included Dr. Funke Omidire, Dr. Vanessa Sherman and Dr. Linda Liebenberg.

  12. 12.

    Table 2.1 provides an overview of the Indigenous Pathway to Resilience study as one of the three case studies in which the relationship-resourced resilience theory is grounded.

  13. 13.

    Mohamed focused on appraisal during resilience processes. Malan-Van Rooyen foregrounded adaptive coping embedded in resilience processes, De Gouveia emphasised outcomes of resilience processes. Akanmidu used analysis from their inductive data to design and test a measure scale (Indigenous Pathways to Resilience Scale).

  14. 14.

    Imbeleko means the act of giving birth or ‘to carry on your back’. As ritual, Imbeleko is a ceremony to welcome a child into the greater community. In the Imbeleko ceremony the umbilical connection between mother and child is detached, the child is introduced to ancestors, a goat is slaughtered and the clan is invited to attend the feast.

    The Imbeleko study emerged as a result of work and thinking advanced by Kim Samuel in her collaboration with Oxford University’s Poverty and Human Development Initiative and through her leadership as President of the Samuel Family Foundation in partnership with Synergos, the Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund (NMCF) and the Foundation for Community Development (FDC) in Mozambique, working to overcome isolation and to deepen the social connectedness of children and youth in Southern Africa.

    Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund (NMCF) Researchers included Vuyani Patrick Ntanjana and Fezile July. Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund Regional Partners included Lesotho—Red Cross; Gauteng—Albertina Sisulu Special School; Swaziland—Save the Children, Swaziland; Eastern Cape—Diaz Primary School; Namibia—Church Alliance for Orphans; Limpopo—Sepanapudi Traditional Authority; North West—Emmang Basadi Advocacy and Lobby Organisation.

  15. 15.

    Table 2.1 provides an overview of Imbeleko as one of the three case studies in which relationship-resourced resilienceis grounded.

  16. 16.

    From 2006–2010 I was a co-investigator in Kgolo Mmogo (an NIH-funded study on ‘Promoting Resilience in Young Children of HIV-infected mothers in South Africa’. Brian Forsythe (Yale University, Principal Investigator, Yale University), Irma Eloff (University of Pretoria, Project Director and Principal Investigator).

    From 2010–2013 I was Principal Investigator with Melissa McHale (then at North Carolina State University) in IMAGINE (International Mentoring of Advanced Graduates for Interdisciplinary Excellence).

    From 2010–2014 I co-chaired the World Education Research Association (WERA) Task Force, leading the development of an international white paper on poverty and opportunity to learn worldwide. Other co-chairs were: Carol D Lee, Edwina S Tarry Professor of Education at the School of Education and Social Policy, and African-American Studies at Northwestern University), Michael Nettles, (Senior Vice President and the Edmund W Gordon Chair of ETS’s Policy Evaluation & Research Center), and Petronilha Beatriz Gonçalves e Silva (Associação Brasileira de Pesquisadores Negros (ABPN) (Brazilian Black Researchers’ Association) and Associação Nacional de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação em Educação (ANPED) (National Association of Research and Graduate Studies on Education).

  17. 17.

    I studied views on indigenous research from African perspectives (Chilisa, 2011; Mapara, 2009; Mkabela, 2005; Odora Hoppers, 2008; Owusu-Ansah, & Mji, 2013), other Global South views (Smith, Maxwell, Puke, & Temara, 2016; Zavala, 2013), in non-Western Global North spaces (Shams, & Hwang, 2005; Wilson, 2001, 2008), and in Western-dominant spaces (Bohensky, & Maru, 2011; Braun, Browne, Ka’opua, Kim, & Mokuau, 2013; Dei, 2013; Drawson, Toombs, & Mushquash, 2017; Hart, 2010; LaFrance, Nichols, & Kirkhart, 2012; Sillitoe & Marzano, 2009).

  18. 18.

    I expanded my reading of methodological evidence with regard to participatory work for indigenous research after this first introduction (Abedi, & Badragheh, 2011; Cochran et al., 2008; Coombes, Johnson, & Howitt, 2014; Darroch & Giles, 2014; Ghaffari & Emami, 2011; Kendall, Sunderland, Barnett, Nalder, Matthews, 2011; Khodamoradi & Abedi, 2011).

  19. 19.

    As an aside—I later reflected on this being my first introduction to communal consultation and consensus.

  20. 20.

    In 2003 our husbands accompanied us as we travelled to the ‘dangerous’ peri-urban school site. This remains a poignant reminder to me of how childhood and young adulthood under Apartheid shaped my beliefs regarding gender, class and race, my role as woman, the role of a male in society, ‘danger’ and ‘safety’. Only later could we reflect that the only worse outsider symbols of privilege and oppression than two White Afrikaner women would be two bulky White male Afrikaner ‘boere’.

    After this experience we travelled with peace of mind along with members of the ever-evolving research teams into spaces with high violence and crime statistics (Stats SA, 2015). Despite this high probability of crime, over 15 years’ of research in challenged spaces there was only one alarming incident. In 2015 Ronél and I were held at gunpoint and robbed as we got into a car to leave the school grounds at a school that we had visited often. I will not forget the feeling of the cold metal against my temple. Nor will I forget the anxious faces of the emaciated nine young men desperate to take our belongings. For the first couple of visits after this incident we went to that particular school with private guards we had hired for protection. Now, as advised by the school principal and the police, we visit this specific school district using a protocol of alert. The principal alerts the police that we will be visiting her school and other schools in this neighbourhood. When we enter the community, we stop at the police station and the police accompany us to each school.

  21. 21.

    A ‘knopkierie’ is the Afrikaans word for a certain traditional weapon in South Africa. A literal translation is a wood walking stick with a large round knob at the top end.

  22. 22.

    In fact, I learned later from young people in another school-based intervention study (Flourishing Learning Youth) that, contrary to our use of ‘snake’ as a symbol of a ‘locally relevant’ risk factor, snakes were also viewed by some Southern African tribes with pride as a heraldic kinship symbol.

  23. 23.

    Literacy rates in Gauteng (97.8%) are higher than in other provinces in South Africa. Literacy rates in Gauteng are followed by the Free State (93.5%), Eastern Cape (90.7%), North West (88.3%), Mpumalanga (87.3%) and Limpopo (86.9%) (Stats SA, 2012). In Lesotho literacy rates are higher than the sub-Saharan average, with males at 95% and females at an 83% literacy rate (United Nations, 2012). Swaziland has a literacy rate of 83.1% for persons older than 15 years of age and 45.18% for persons older than 65 (United Nations, 2012). In Namibia the literacy rate among the youth is 94.42%, while the adult literacy rate is lower, at 88.27% (United Nations, 2012).

  24. 24.

    In South Africa, Limpopo has the highest number of people aged 20 years and older who have had no schooling 17,3%, followed by Mpumalanga (14.1%) and North West (11.8%) (Stats SA, 2012). The Western Cape has the lowest number of people (2.7%) of 20 years and older, who have had no formal education or schooling in South Africa, followed by Gauteng (3.7%) and the Free State (7.1%).

  25. 25.

    I enjoyed this workspace intersection of socialising, working and networking to which I was introduced when I was a visiting associate professor in the Department of Psychology and ‘Emotions Lab’ of the then Dean of Graduate Students, Peter Salovey at Yale University (2001).

  26. 26.

    She remains a staunch collaborator and is currently involved in a new study on social connectedness as pathway to teacher resilience (2018–2020).

  27. 27.

    Maria Mnguni completed both her Master’s and doctoral studies in the STAR study. Her home language is isiZulu and although she does not speak isiXhosa, given the Nguni heritage of both languages, she could follow conversations among isiXhosa and Siswati teachers in the Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga.

    Bathsheba Mbongwe hails from Botswana. As a Setswana- and English-speaking researcher in STAR she was mostly unable to follow typically isiXhosa- and Siswati-dominated conversations in the Eastern Cape and Mpumalanga.

    In the Imbeleko team, besides the habitual English, several researchers spoke a variety of Southern African indigenous languages and had the same indigenous socio-cultural heritage as the people at several Imbeleko sites.

    Motlalepule Ruth Mampane was raised in rural Limpopo and her home language is Sepedi, resonating with the language and heritage backgrounds of participants in Limpopo, Gauteng and North West.

    Tebogo Tsebe was raised in the North West and his home language is Setswana, resonating with the language and heritage backgrounds of participants in Limpopo, Gauteng and North West.

    Maximus Monaheng Sefotho and Maitumeleng NthoNtho both have their roots in Lesotho, with Sesotho as their home language, resonating with the language and heritage backgrounds of participants in Lesotho, Gauteng, North West and the Free State.

    Tebuhleni Nxumalo was born in Swaziland, with Siswati as her home language, resonating with the language and heritage backgrounds of participants in Swaziland and the Eastern Cape.

    I myself and Dr. Tilda Loots have Afrikaans backgrounds, which assisted us in Namibia, where Afrikaans was one of the dominant home languages of participants.

  28. 28.

    My grandmother had to wear donkey’s ears in school when she spoke Afrikaans. She had to speak English. So successful was her socialisation into what is ‘revered’ that she preferred to be called Kitty rather than by her Afrikaans name, Katerina. She also became an English teacher, fiercely strict with us about being well spoken and well read in this language of ‘the enemy’. She never could forget nor forgive that the British had imprisoned her mother and cousins in a concentration camp during the South African War.

  29. 29.

    Mlungu: term used in the context of interaction between black and white South Africans to refer to a white person.

  30. 30.

    Makwerekwere: the slang word used in South Africa to refer to African immigrants or foreigners from outside the country’s borders.

  31. 31.

    Red Cross (Lesotho), Save the Children (Swaziland), Church Alliance for Orphans (Namibia), Albertina Sisulu Special School (Gauteng), Diaz Primary School (Eastern Cape), Sepanapudi Traditional Authority (Limpopo), Emang Basadi Advocacy and Lobby Organisation (North West).

  32. 32.

    A National Rural Education Research Team was established in April 2016, under the leadership of the Acting Director of the Rural Education Directorate, Dr. Phumzile Langa, and was composed of seven members who were appointed by the Minister of Basic Education. The Ministerial Committee consisted of: Prof. Relibohile Moletsane (Chairperson); Prof. Liesel Ebersöhn; Dr. Adele Gordon; Dr. Dipane Hlalele; Mr. Paul Kgobe; Dr. Thomas Mabasa; and Dr. T. Nkambule.

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Ebersöhn, L. (2019). Together We Are Stronger: Building an Indigenous Psychology Theory from Case Studies. In: Flocking Together: An Indigenous Psychology Theory of Resilience in Southern Africa. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16435-5_3

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