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‘When the Fury of the Proud Sea Re-awoke’: Water, Devotion, and Lived Experience in Renaissance Venice

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Lived Religion and Everyday Life in Early Modern Hagiographic Material

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience ((PSHE))

Abstract

Karen McCluskey’s chapter “‘When the Fury of the Proud Sea Re-awoke’: Water, Devotion and Lived Experience in Renaissance Venice” uses an array of hagiographic sources, both written and pictorial, to determine the extent to which water shaped the way Venetians fashioned and engaged with their holy helpers; to uncover Venetian attitudes towards water; and to understand how Venetians coped with their exceptional ecological environment on a day-to-day basis. Such evidence shows that despite an apparent confidence on the seas, Venetians harboured fears and anxieties in relation to water – fears and anxieties that were met head on by devotion to their contingent of local saints.

Cronaca di Pellestrina. Ms. Marc. It, cl VI, cod. 73, n. 5723, 8. Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 256).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The term was coined by Petrarch in Rerum familiares in the fourteenth century and was frequently used thereafter. Fortini Brown (1997, 9).

  2. 2.

    Cadamuro et al. (2017, 90–115) and Crouzet-Pavan (1992, 2000, 39–64).

  3. 3.

    The dates of this event in the Venetian sources vary. Some sources place the storm in August 1409.

  4. 4.

    Riccoboni, Life and Death in a Venetian Convent, 43–44.

  5. 5.

    Sanudo, Cità excelentissima, 328.

  6. 6.

    Camuffo et al. (2017, 1–68).

  7. 7.

    Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 225–87).

  8. 8.

    Camuffo et al. (2017, 18–23) and Camuffo (1987, 43–66).

  9. 9.

    G. Diacono, La cronaca veneziana, 32: ‘vi fu a Venezia un tale gelo quale mai prima era stato visto.’; Camuffo et al. (2017, 18).

  10. 10.

    The writer is the ninth-century German chronicler Rudolfus. Camuffo et al. (2017, 18–19).

  11. 11.

    The notation is from a lost manuscript noted in Camuffo et al. (2017, 20) and recorded also in Zanon (1933, 287–305). For Sanudo, see Camuffo et al. (2017, 23).

  12. 12.

    Camuffo et al. (2017, 31).

  13. 13.

    Camuffo et al. (2017, 31).

  14. 14.

    Camuffo et al. (2017, 25).

  15. 15.

    Camuffo et al. (2017, 27).

  16. 16.

    Girolamo Savina as cited in Camuffo et al. (2017, 19 and passim) and Camuffo (1987, 58–62).

  17. 17.

    At the first and last quarter Moons, the tidal range and the water exchanges with the sea are minimal; at new or full moons they are at a maximum. Camuffo et al. (2017, 15).

  18. 18.

    Cassiodorus, Variarum, 492. Also see Crouzet-Pavan (2000, 41).

  19. 19.

    P. Diacono (1878, 23).

  20. 20.

    Crouzet Pavan (2000, 49–53) and Ciriacono (2006, 159).

  21. 21.

    Giordani Soika (1972, 171–86).

  22. 22.

    Montenegro, 2004, Chronica ‘a Latina’, 154.

  23. 23.

    There are innumerable variations on this story and the dating in the chronicles is inconsistent. It seems to take place somewhere between 1340 and 1342. See Dean (2014, 309–22). Also see Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 239–43), Giordani Soika (1972, 171–86), and Muir (1981, 88–89).

  24. 24.

    D’Andrea (2014, 431), Maglaque (2018, 22–41), and Pullan (1971).

  25. 25.

    Dandolo (2010, 120).

  26. 26.

    Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 244).

  27. 27.

    Again, the data collated by Enzi and Camuffo attests that this kind of disruption was common during inundations. Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 232–79).

  28. 28.

    Dean (2014, 312).

  29. 29.

    Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 236, 239, 244 and passim).

  30. 30.

    Gallicciolli, Delle memorie venete, 186.

  31. 31.

    Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 245, 263).

  32. 32.

    Sanudo (2008, 328).

  33. 33.

    See Lane (1973, 18–21) and Sanudo (1900, 628). The mortality rates of children and adolescents, and the associated concern for their survival in this period, is attested to more broadly in the written and painted vitae of saints and beati. See McCluskey (2020) and Goodich (1982, 88–93).

  34. 34.

    Enzi and Camuffo (1995, 244).

  35. 35.

    Crouzet-Pavan (2000, 40) and Savoy (2012).

  36. 36.

    da Canale (1845, 671–75) and Cessi (1933, 29–177).

  37. 37.

    Giustinian, De origine urbis venetiarum; Crouzet-Pavan (2000, 41–43).

  38. 38.

    Dandolo (1937, 9–10).

  39. 39.

    Catalano et al. (2005, 22).

  40. 40.

    De Monaci (1972–73, 463–97).

  41. 41.

    Spathafora di Moncada, Quattro orationi.

  42. 42.

    Dean (2014, 309–22). There are many versions of the story. Dean cites British Library, Add. MS 27431, Cronaca di Venezia, fols. 147–48. Sanudo (1900, 608–09). La Balme (1996, 233–50), Muir (1981, 88–89), and Tramontin (1965, 43–73). Also see Peyer (1955, 12–24) and Crouzet-Pavan (2002, 50).

  43. 43.

    Muir (1981, 88–89) discusses the episcopal symbolism in the story. See also Tramontin (1970, 57–58).

  44. 44.

    The painting and the rest of the series is on display at the Galleria dell’Accademia, Venice.

  45. 45.

    Fortini Brown (1988, 238).

  46. 46.

    On Mark’s ship saving episode, see McCleary (1933, 258–59) and Dale (1994, 66 and passim). A further pictorial episode of Mark shaping the ship appears on the Pala d’Oro itself, the high altarpiece in St. Mark’s Basilica.

  47. 47.

    Jewitt (2016, 5–6).

  48. 48.

    Fabri (1954, 80–81).

  49. 49.

    Morse (2007, 162–63).

  50. 50.

    The bibliography on urban sanctity is vast. See these standard references, amongst many others: Vauchez (1986, 1997) , Webb (1996, 2007), Thompson (2005), Kleinberg (1992), and Weinstein and Bell (1982).

  51. 51.

    Arcoleo, Ristretta della vita della Beata Giuliana, 18; Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum , September I, col. 310; Trojan, Notizie istoriche sulla vita della B. Giuliana, 9.

  52. 52.

    The fifteenth-century transcription of the fourteenth-century sermon is recorded by the Bollandists in an anonymous mid-fourteenth-century Sermo, Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum , September VI, 654–55. It is also transcribed in Corner (1749, 94–99). On Pietro’s life generally, see Corner (1758, 418–21; 1759).

  53. 53.

    Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum , September VI, 652; Corner (1758, 421).

  54. 54.

    Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum, September VI, 654: ‘But mirroring Christ [he] laid aside his glory and took up the appearance of a slave…he shunned all earthly and passing things…he wished to appear poorer than all the poor’. [Sed Cristum considerans se exinanisse et formam servi accepisse…omnia terrena et transitoria despexit. Cristum pauperem suum fecit herdem, pauperior cunctis pauperibus apparere volebat]’. Also see Corner, Ecclesiae venetae, 94; and Corner, Notizie storiche, 419.

  55. 55.

    Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum , September VI, 654; Corner, Ecclesiae venetae, 94; Corner, Notizie storiche, 419 and Corner, Memorie spettanti, 17.

  56. 56.

    Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum , September VI, 654: ‘That particular, most blessed Pietro filled his skiff, his small boat, with firewood, bread and oil, and sailed through very strong wind and the deluges of the seas and took those things to those who were dying and for those unwilling to leave their homes.’ [Iste beatissimus Petrus implebat naviculam suam, sue barcam, lignis, pane et oleo, et navigabat per tam validum ventum et inondationes aquarum et portabat fame pereuntibus et non volentibus exire domos eorum.] Corner, Notizie storiche, 420.

  57. 57.

    Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta sanctorum , September VI, 654: ‘quidam de contrata […] inspiratione divina ducti’. Corner (1749, 94–95). Normally the bishop or a local holy person would discover the relics of a ‘lost’ saint or beato. See Webb (1996, 15–16).

  58. 58.

    Corner (1749, 99; 1758, 421; 1759, 20). Also see Tramontin (1963, 142).

  59. 59.

    Cicogna (1853, 230).

  60. 60.

    Corner, Ecclesiae venetae, 107–10; Corner, Notizie storiche, 428–32; and Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta Sanctorum , September III, 309–11, which is based almost entirely on Corner’s renditions. Her later vitae include anonymous, n.d.; Zacchia dei Marchesi Rondinini, n.d.; Contarini, ‘La B. Contessa Tagliapietra’; Musolino (1963, 156–57) and Daniele (1962, 94–95).

  61. 61.

    See Corner, Ecclesiae Venetae, I/2, 108–9; and Corner, Notizie storiche, 429–30. Unless there is an important divergence in one of the later Vitae, I will only reference Corner’s Vitae, the first in the extant tradition.

  62. 62.

    On the renunciation of class and wealth in the Lives of saints and beati of the late-medieval period, see Heffernen (1988, 213–217).

  63. 63.

    ‘her father forbade the servants, who were contracted to sail the gondola belonging to the family on a certain day, with a stern command’. [indeque famulis, qui ad domesticam cymbam vehendam conducti erant, severo jussu pater ejus quadam die prohiberet].’ The social expectation is addressed in Clare of Assisi’s thirteenth-century written Vita and painted Vita panel. In the narratives, the young Clare who, leaving her noble home to join the Franciscan movement, is shown accompanied by her ladies-in-waiting who commend her to Francis. Wood (1996, 14–15), discusses the theme.

  64. 64.

    Females who showed outward signs of God’s favour, often chastised themselves for being such an unworthy vessel for the demonstration of God’s power. In her biographies Catherine of Siena is often seen expressing her shame at being a privileged servant of God. The most obvious example is her request to Christ to have the marks of her stigmata transparent, retaining only the accompanying pain. Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta Sanctorum , April III, 875.

  65. 65.

    In the hagiographic literature, the pious attempts of saintly girls and young women to follow a religious vocation are often portrayed as a struggle against a patriarchal figure. On becoming a nun contrary to family wishes, see Wood (1996, 2).

  66. 66.

    Marco Barbaro’s fifteenth century report is transcribed in Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta Sanctorum , September III, 311: ‘the body of whom is honoured as a blessed soul in an altar in the church of San Vito, on which I saw a piece of cloth, of an ancient type with the emblem of Cà Tagliapiera’. [il Corpo della quale come d’anima beata s’onora nella Chiesa di San Vito in uno Altare, al quale ho veduto un panno di razzo antiquissimo con l’arma da Cà Tagliapiera.]

  67. 67.

    See Sanudo, Le Vite dei Dogi, 82: ‘La beata Contessa vérzene; fo da cha’ Taiapiera; in primo altar; [and] si vede.]’

  68. 68.

    Sansovino, Venezia città nobilissima, 90: ‘Ecclesia San Vio […] nobilitata prima per lo corpo della beata Contessa Tagliapietra et poi per l’andata del Principe che la visita ogni anno’. Marco Barbaro also mentions the inclusion of the Arms of the Tagliapietra family on the altar which bears her relics in his fifteenth-century appraisal of the site, now in Societé des Bollandistes, ed. Acta Sanctorum , September III, 311.

  69. 69.

    Corner, Ecclesiae Venetae, 109; and Corner, Notizie storiche, 431, mentions that in 1702 her relics were transferred from a wooden casket in the altar of John the Evangelist to a new marble arca above the altar of Anthony Abbot.

  70. 70.

    Anonymous, n.d., Vita della Beata Contessa Tagliapietra, unpaginated. The cause was revived in the late nineteenth century and again in the middle of the twentieth century, but without success.

  71. 71.

    De Biasi, Causa di Beatificazione di Contessa Tagliapietra, unpaginated: ‘di aspetto bellissima, con il capo splendente; la mano destra posa sul petto in atteggiamente di preghiera, e la mano sinistra tiene un teschio e nulla veste si vede lo stemma gentilizio di casa Tagliapietra.’

  72. 72.

    De Biasi, Causa di Beatificazione di Contessa Tagliapietra, unpaginated; Cicogna (1853, 788); Zacchia dei Marchesi Rondinini, n.d., La Beata Contessa Tagliapietra.

  73. 73.

    On the protection provided by saints, see Brown (1981, 71–85).

  74. 74.

    De Biasi, Causa di Beatificazione di Contessa Tagliapietra, unpaginated: ‘proibirono l’uso invalso di deporre i bimbi sul suo corpo per preservarli dal pericolo del naufragio.’

  75. 75.

    Priuli (1591–93); Zane, Visite Pastorali, f. 38. The situation is summarised in Wahlberg (2014, 248–49).

  76. 76.

    De Biasi, Causa di Beatificazione di Contessa Tagliapietra. For Tiepolo’s remark, see Tiepolo (1620–27).

  77. 77.

    The ritual and miracles associated with her safeguarding of children are recorded in De Biasi, Causa di Beatificazione di Contessa Tagliapietra. Lina Urban mentions that by 1310 an annual procession already took place at San Vio in honour of Contessa Tagliapietra, who had died two years previously, although she does not cite specific evidence to attest to this statement. See Urban (1994, 191–202).

  78. 78.

    Urban (1994, 192–93). See Sansovino, Venezia città nobilissima, 90. Musolino, ‘B. Contessa Tagliapietra’, 156–59.

  79. 79.

    Boquet and Nagy (2018) and Rosenwein (2007).

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  1. School of Arts and Science, The University of Notre Dame Australia, Sydney, NSW, Australia

    Karen McCluskey

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  1. Karen McCluskey
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  1. Tampere University, Tampere, Finland

    Jenni Kuuliala

  2. Tampere University, Tampere, Finland

    Rose-Marie Peake

  3. University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

    Päivi Räisänen-Schröder

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McCluskey, K. (2019). ‘When the Fury of the Proud Sea Re-awoke’: Water, Devotion, and Lived Experience in Renaissance Venice. In: Kuuliala, J., Peake, RM., Räisänen-Schröder, P. (eds) Lived Religion and Everyday Life in Early Modern Hagiographic Material. Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-15553-7_7

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