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Cure, Community, and the Miraculous in Early Modern Florence

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Lived Religion and Everyday Life in Early Modern Hagiographic Material

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience ((PSHE))

Abstract

The social history of medicine is in the focus in Jenni Kuuliala’s article ‘Cure, Community, and the Miraculous in Early Modern Florence’. She discusses the interplay of lived medicine and lived religion in late sixteenth-century Florence based on the apostolic canonisation inquiry of St Andrea Corsini, held in Florence in 1606. Through testimonies about the healing miracles St Andrea performed, Kuuliala analyses the role the community had in the search for different medical and religious healing methods, and how medicine and religion collaborated and complemented each other in this time period.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Gentilcore (1998, 185–86).

  2. 2.

    See Klaniczay (2004), Paciocco (2006), and Vauchez (1988) for the development and legal practices of medieval canonisation inquiries. The developments during the Catholic Reformation have been analysed, e.g., in Burke (1987), Copeland (2016a, b), Ditchfield (1995, 2009, 2010), Duffin (2009), and Papa (2001). See also the Introduction to this volume for the development of the process.

  3. 3.

    Ditchfield (2010, 420–21). Most canonisation inquiries at this point had two stages: the ‘informative’, which was taken care of locally, and the ‘apostolic’, which was authenticated by the pope on the grounds of the first hearing. See, e.g., Papa (2001, 150–65).

  4. 4.

    See Goodich (2005) and Smoller (1998) for finding the witnesses’ voices in these documents.

  5. 5.

    See Katajala-Peltomaa and Toivo (2016).

  6. 6.

    See the Introduction to this volume for further discussion.

  7. 7.

    Burke (1987, 50–51).

  8. 8.

    Vauchez (1988, 547).

  9. 9.

    Duffin (2009, 17–33, 114–16).

  10. 10.

    Andrea’s cult and the importance of the battle are analysed in Ciappelli (2007).

  11. 11.

    Ciappelli (2007, 40–52). See also Copeland (2016a, 109); Cristofani, Vita di S. Andrea Corsini, 35.

  12. 12.

    See Duffin (2009, 20, 46–47).

  13. 13.

    Ditchfield (2010, 419–21).

  14. 14.

    Ciappelli (2007, 54). The preference given to wealthy witnesses was ordered in the decretals of Gregory IX. Krötzl (1998, 122–23).

  15. 15.

    See Duffin (2009, 38).

  16. 16.

    The first inquests into the miracles of St Caterina Vigri (or Catherine of Bologna) from the late sixteenth century are a good example of witnesses quite different from those in Andrea Corsini’s inquest. The vast majority of them came from the secular elite. Martinelli (2003, 20–76).

  17. 17.

    See also Duffin (2009, 47). For such notifications, see, e.g., ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 84r: ‘son pouera, et uiuo a spese del mio marito che e’ Scuffarolo’; f. 92 r: ‘et son pouero che il mio non puol valere più di 50 o’ 60 ducati per essere pouero tessitore di lana et vivo delle mie fatiche et alle mie spese’; f. 170r: ‘son pouera che la mia dose sonno sino a’ducento Ducati et vivo delle mie fatiche’.

  18. 18.

    For the history of such groups of workers in Renaissance Florence, see, e.g., Goldthwaite (2009) and Cohn (1980). Goldwaithe (2009, 268), points out that the economy of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has received much less scholarly attention than the economy of the high Renaissance period.

  19. 19.

    Ciappelli (2007, 54).

  20. 20.

    See Kuuliala (2015) for this phenomenon in the Middle Ages.

  21. 21.

    See pp. 286–87 below for a discussion of these cases.

  22. 22.

    For example, a Florentine Archdeacon on ASV, Riti Proc. 762, f. 13r; a nobleman on f. 19v; a senator on f. 42r; a Jesuit brother on f. 60v; another senator and nobleman on f. 216v.

  23. 23.

    See, e.g., the testimony of a noblewoman miraculously saved from a dangerous childbirth: ASV, Riti Proc. 762, f. 302r: ‘ho’ sentito dire publicamente, et letto anchora che il beato Andrea ha fatto molti miracoli delli quali hora non mi ricordo ma’ ve ne diri alcuni che mi ricordo, et sonno che illumina un Ceco in Avignone che gli chiedeva l’elemosina, et guari una fanciulla dalla febre ethica, guari ancora un frate nel Carmine della hidropsia et molti altri che sonno descritti nella sua vita’.

  24. 24.

    Ditchfield (2009, 567). The miracles are recorded in Petrus Andrea de Castaneis, Vita, Société des Bollandistes, ed. 1863–. Acta sanctorum quotquot toto urbe coluntur, Jan II, 1067–68, 1070.

  25. 25.

    The Arte della Lana guild had some prestigious privileges in the city’s religious life, like the administration of the Duomo’s sacristy. Tacconi (2005, 25–26).

  26. 26.

    Duffin (2009, 52–53).

  27. 27.

    Overall, official sainthood was notably male in the Catholic Reformation period in the sense that the vast majority of canonised saints were men. Only in the nineteenth century did the proportion of canonised female saints start to increase significantly. Burke (1987) and Duffin (2009, 51–52). At the same time, many of the most universally recognised saints were women, the Virgin being the most obvious example, and several medieval female saints—such as St Clare of Assisi or St Catherine of Siena, who was the ‘model saint’ for aspiring holy women—were widely venerated. See Debby (2014).

  28. 28.

    See the Introduction of this volume, p. 1–25. For the proportions of various conditions in sixteenth-century French cases, see Burkardt (2004, 192–95, 207–11, 229–35); his categorisation for ‘contracti’ is different, since in his analysis of women’s conditions, he groups it together with infirmities such as colic, hernia, and melancholy.

  29. 29.

    This aspect of Andrea’s cult was mentioned in the testimony of one witness, whose wife was a beneficiary of such a miracle. ASV, Riti Proc. 762, f. 101v: ‘Et adesso riposano la sua Reliquie a’ Donne grauide le quali Reliquie fanno molto bene, et indiuono questa Donne a’ partorire quasi senza dolore’. According to Jacalyn Duffin (2009, 90–92), the percentage of obstetric miracles (those related to childbirth, fertility, and post-partum problems) in the seventeenth-century canonisation processes is 4.7. The number of miracles related to childbirth and especially post-partum fever reduced only in the latter third of the nineteenth century.

  30. 30.

    Gentilcore (1998, 194–95).

  31. 31.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 255r–v.

  32. 32.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 92v–93r, 116v, 122v.

  33. 33.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 125r, 160r.

  34. 34.

    The literary pattern of the miraculous was inherited from the Gospels. Ward (1982, 34–35). For the narrative structure, see Goodich (2007, 93–99) and Klaniczay (2000).

  35. 35.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 21v, art. 16: ‘quo morbo vel egritudine laboraret quando factum fuit miraculum et a’ quanto tempore predicta Infirmitate laboraret et exprimas singulas circumstantias et interrogetur, qua occasione habuit recursum ad predictum beatum Andream, et an a’ se ipso motus vel ab aliis fuerit inditus ut se ipsius Intercessioni commendaret, et qui essent presentes, quando fuit factum miraculum si autem Testis narret miraculum in alterius persona’.

  36. 36.

    In this, the testimonies are very similar to medieval miracle narratives. See Sigal (1985, 288). There are exceptions, of course; humours as the cause of infirmity are sporadically mentioned: ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 88r, 133v, 181v.

  37. 37.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 9v, 26r.

  38. 38.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 23r.

  39. 39.

    This is not to say that medieval canonisation testimonies were ‘unscientific’ according to the standards of the time. Rigorous examination was needed and expected then as well, but the practices of recording witness accounts were much more colourful and varied.

  40. 40.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 210r; see also 165v for a boy who needed the help of others to rise from bed.

  41. 41.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 32r, 185v, 200r, 257v; being able to get up from bed could also be a sign of a miracle; see f. 98r.

  42. 42.

    One man, who had several ulcers on his leg for ten years, did not report any mobility issues. His son’s account of the same miracle is equally brief. ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 63r, 83r.

  43. 43.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 21r, art. 14.

  44. 44.

    Claudius Coecchius, a surgeon (ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 231r), testified about the childbirth of magnifica domina Dionora. The other medical professionals who testified in the inquiry did so as regards the saint’s incorruptible body. This was a typical role given to medical experts in early modern apostolic canonisation processes. Bouley (2017, esp. 76–77).

  45. 45.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 23r.

  46. 46.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 31r: ‘non potette mai urinare per la Carnosia che io havevo et stette cosi seno alla mattina seguente, che mandai a’ chiamare un Cirurgico che mi servingo et mi fece molto male’.

  47. 47.

    There are some contemporary indicators that congenital mobility impairments and malformations were not treated by medical professionals due to them being considered incurable, but since such cures were not recorded in Andrea Corsini’s inquest, comparisons cannot be made. In a vita of St Carlo Borromeo, the author explains the lack of medical care in the case of a small girl with congenitally twisted feet by her being ‘born that way’ (per essere nata in quel modo): Giussani, Vita di s. Carlo, 672.

  48. 48.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 17v, 113r, 120r.

  49. 49.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 85.

  50. 50.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 78v, 133v.

  51. 51.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 38r–v, 76r.

  52. 52.

    Henderson (2006, 270–74).

  53. 53.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 88r, 233v.

  54. 54.

    Ziegler (1999, 217). See also Pomata (1998).

  55. 55.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 106v: ‘nel male del mio fratello non funno adoprate medicine alcune per non hauere il mondo di pagare il medico ne le medicine’.

  56. 56.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 27v.

  57. 57.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 135v.

  58. 58.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 220r: ‘vedendo ch’ero per essere stroppiato per tutta la vita mia et che non mi sentivo niente, mi votai a’ quel Quadro del beato da me cominciato’. As pointed out by Giovanni Ciappelli, the presence of Poccetti reporting the miraculous powers of the painting gave more prestige to the cause because of the importance of images in the post-Tridentine veneration of saints. Ciappelli (2007, 56).

  59. 59.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 174r; see also f. 125r for a father testifying about his son.

  60. 60.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 52r, 116v, 122v, 144v, 158r.

  61. 61.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 138r. These kinds of remarks are rare, however. Although the physicians’ task remained to testify to the fallibility of their art, the witness accounts rarely refer to any doubts regarding the physicians’ skills. Didier Lett (2016) writes that in the end, physicians who ‘failed’ and then testified to miraculous cures rather proved their own honour as professionals who had tried everything in their power and had given up when nothing was left to be done.

  62. 62.

    See Smoller (1998).

  63. 63.

    Henderson (2006, 240–41).

  64. 64.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 189v, 192r.

  65. 65.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 222r.

  66. 66.

    For hagiography and domestic violence, see Diana Bullen Presciutti’s article in this volume.

  67. 67.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 192r: ‘le portai cinque anni che mi vergognavo a’ companire et trattare con le persone’; ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 168v: ‘era una Cosa schiffosa a’ vederlo et si vergognava di pratticare con le persone, le quali piaghe le porto da cinque anni et piu’.

  68. 68.

    See Kuuliala (2016, 116–17).

  69. 69.

    See Breccola and Lozzi (2007, 25–27), Seitz (2011, 12), and O’Neil (1981, 63, 73, 85). For example, in the 1588 trial held in Siena of the local women Angelica di Gherardo and her daughter Antea, the inquisitor asked a witness if any woman had ‘ruined’ a child of his. Archivio della Congregazione per la Dottrina della Fede (ACDF), Siena, Proc. 17, f. 603r: ‘Domandato se mai gl’e occorso che li sia da alcuna donna mai stato ammalato o guasto alcuno de suoi putti mentre sonno stati piccoli’. For the Siena trial, see Di Simplicio (2005).

  70. 70.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 168v.

  71. 71.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 192r: ‘acciò potesse fare li fatti miei et trafficare nella mia arte che non ci potevo trafficare perche ero schiffato da tutti’.

  72. 72.

    As another type of example of this, when the abbess of the Clarissan convent of Santa Maria di Monticellis testified about the cure of one of the nuns, she stated that she was doing ‘the same things that the other nuns do’. ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 294v.

  73. 73.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 133r: ‘si vergognava di pratticare tra li noi, et in Casa sempre le ascondeva’. The number of such unattached religious women was small, but the lifestyle still was possible. Strocchia (2009, 161–62).

  74. 74.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 133v: ‘si diceva in casa che era un humore cattivo che li era calato li nelle mani’. See also p. 215–233 of Andreea Marculescu’s article in this volume for leprosy miracles.

  75. 75.

    For Rodrigo Alidosi, see Mayer (2014).

  76. 76.

    See esp. Katajala-Peltomaa (2017).

  77. 77.

    Vauchez (1988, 531) and Smoller (1997). Some late medieval canonisation records, which are not always as organised as those from the post-Tridentine era, give us glimpses of this. For example, in the Breton inquest records on duke Charles of Blois from the 1370s, a knight with war wounds first prayed to Charles and the Virgin Mary and then went to see Parisian surgeons, but he attributed his cure to the duke’s miraculous powers. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 4025, f. 121r–v.

  78. 78.

    See also Burkardt (2004, 292–97).

  79. 79.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 37v, 76v, 80r.

  80. 80.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 135v. See f. 185r for a similar testimony by a woman with an ailing leg.

  81. 81.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 146v.

  82. 82.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 88v: ‘certe donne incantauano il sangue per farlo cessare’.

  83. 83.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 141v–142r, 183r, f. 190r.

  84. 84.

    Seitz (2011, 78).

  85. 85.

    O’Neil (2001, 175).

  86. 86.

    Andrea Corsini’s inquest does not give exact examples of this, but a testimony in the contemporary canonisation inquest of St Filippo Neri includes one such statement. Diana da Montopoli was treating a woman in labour whose child was stillborn. She was in possession of the saint’s relic, and remembering this, decided to try if it would help. She put a pouch under the child, but according to her testimony, she did it in secret because they ‘have many prohibitions on this, and she doubted that she would be considered a witch’. Il Primo processo, 4: ‘Mentre lo raccomandai, mise la saccoccia sopra il putto, così segretamente, et mi palpava di farlo, che le genti si accorgessero, perchè noi havemo molte prohibitioni sopra di questo, et dubitava, che non mi tenessero per strega’.

  87. 87.

    See O’Neil (2001, 172–99) and Mormando (1999, 72–77), for this development, and Jacobs (2013, 171–72) for maleficia in miracles.

  88. 88.

    Most often the infirmity simply ‘arrives’ or ‘takes over’ its victim, as if it was a separate entity. Gentilcore (1998, 182).

  89. 89.

    See Burkardt (2004, 296), who suggests this. In central Italian villages, there was a system where cunning men or women (indovino or indovina) were able to detect harmful magic. Di Simplicio (2009, 123).

  90. 90.

    Oscar Di Simplicio points out that turning to unlicensed medical practitioners was especially common in rural areas due to the scarcity of official medical personnel and the cost of their services. Di Simplicio (2005, 83). One example of medical professionals treating an illness caused by black magic is recorded in St Bernardino of Siena’s inquest, where a woman whose illness was caused by maleficium is reported as having used the help of physicians and incantations in the articulus; in her own testimony, she only refers to ‘sortilegious remedies’: Pellegrini (2009, 123). In the trials of the Inquisition, there are examples of this as well. In the Siena trials, a Franciscan friar testified about his gruesome illness caused by bewitchment, for which he first sought treatment by physicians. ACDF, Siena, Proc. 4, f. 566r. Possibly these infirmities were diagnosed as being of supernatural origin only after the physicians’ treatment failed, but that is not always explicitly stated.

  91. 91.

    See, e.g., ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 64r–v: ‘prima che mi raccomandasse al Beato havendo sentito leggere la vita sua per doi mesi’. See also Thomas C. Devaney’s article in this volume on the importance of books in spreading cults.

  92. 92.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 32r.

  93. 93.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 114r, 120r.

  94. 94.

    See McGuire (2008, 12).

  95. 95.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 292r.

  96. 96.

    This aspect has been studied in medieval miracles, especially in the case of child beneficiaries. In them, a mother is generally more often the one making the petition, but there is also a geographical difference in the sense that Scandinavian fathers sought out saintly assistance more often compared to their southern European peers. Finucane (2000, 99–100), Katajala-Peltomaa (2009, esp. 115–20; 2013), and Lett (1997, 141).

  97. 97.

    Stolberg (2011, 55).

  98. 98.

    Haas (1998, 162).

  99. 99.

    This is somewhat common, because usually the ‘hero’ of the events was the petitioner or the person who had the idea for the successful petition: Smoller (1998, 435).

  100. 100.

    E.g., ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 7v, 40r, 50v, 53r, 85v, 86r, 101v, 109r, 116r–v, 122r, 153r, 156v, 189v, 302r–v. The relics of St Andrea were not the only ones actively distributed to bring help to such situations in sixteenth-century Florence. Similarly, the mitre of St Antoninus of Florence was often taken to help with childbirth problems. Cornelison (2017, 54).

  101. 101.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 181v, 247r.

  102. 102.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 88r.

  103. 103.

    Duffin (2009, 103–6); for possession in medieval canonisation documents, see Katajala-Peltomaa (2014). See also Andreea Marculescu’s article in this volume.

  104. 104.

    Jacobs (2013, 172–74).

  105. 105.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 34v, 192r.

  106. 106.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 192r–93r.

  107. 107.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 238r–v.

  108. 108.

    ASV Riti Proc. 762, f. 279r–v.

  109. 109.

    See Ferber (2013, 66–68), for the tension regarding personal charismatic—even miraculous—powers and the institutional control of exorcism. See also Gentilcore (1998, 15–16).

  110. 110.

    Jacobs (2013, 172).

  111. 111.

    Duffin (2009, 103).

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  1. Academy of Finland Centre of Excellence in the History of Experiences, Tampere University, Tampere, Finland

    Jenni Kuuliala

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    Jenni Kuuliala

  2. Tampere University, Tampere, Finland

    Rose-Marie Peake

  3. University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

    Päivi Räisänen-Schröder

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Kuuliala, J. (2019). Cure, Community, and the Miraculous in Early Modern Florence. In: Kuuliala, J., Peake, RM., Räisänen-Schröder, P. (eds) Lived Religion and Everyday Life in Early Modern Hagiographic Material. Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-15553-7_11

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