Abstract
To set the stage for my analysis of contemporary data, this chapter first draws a historical sketch of the identity creating factors ‘Spain,’ ‘Yugoslavia’ and ‘Israel.’ Further, this chapter contains narratives of Sarajevo Sephardim in regards to belonging to ‘Spain,’ ‘Yugoslavia’ and ‘Israel.’ Questions I ask my interviewees include whether they think someone will speak Judeo-Spanish in Sarajevo in a couple of years. If they consider Hebrew and Israel to be important and whether or not they support Israel in football matches when Bosnia and Herzegovina or Spain is playing against Israel. Moreover, I ask if they have lived in Israel and, if so, if they wish to return there. As regards Yugoslavia, the chapter explores which language the Sephardi Jews opted for after the Yugoslav experiment collapsed in the 1990s.
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Notes
- 1.
Of course, the very definition of ‘who is a Jew’ is complex and different interpretations exist (cf. DellaPergola 1992: 3).
- 2.
A popular hypothesis is that the term Ashkenazim originally referred to diaspora communities which settled in the Holy Roman Empire, in Germany, France and Italy, at around the end of the first millennium. In the late Middle Ages, the majority of these Ashkenazim moved to areas that would become the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (parts of today’s Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Russia and Ukraine) (Straten 2011).
- 3.
Because of this myth that the Jewish presence in Spain can be dated back to the biblical times there is a perception that the Sephardim had the right to Spanish soil (Benbassa and Rodrigue 2000: 12, 192).
- 4.
It is, however, unclear how many Jews were actually expelled and how many converted. The concrete numbers fluctuate from 40,000 to 400,000 departures and it is assumed that 100,000 Jews converted between 1391 and 1412 (Astrologo-Fonzi 1992: 127; Benbassa and Rodrigue 2000: xxxvi–xxxvii, 193; Ginio 2015: 39–40). Cohen (2014: 6) writes that the number of Jews in the Ottoman Empire never was more than 500,000.
- 5.
Of course, many Sephardim also went further south to Damascus, Jerusalem, Cairo and other places (Benbassa and Rodrigue 2000: xix–xx). Many landed in North Africa, especially in northern Morocco (Benbassa and Rodrigue 2000: lii–liii; Birri-Tomovska 2012: 34). Others came to Western Europe, to Holland, France and England, and were called the Western Sephardim (Birri-Tomovska 2012: 34; Harris 1994: 18). The so-called Eastern Sephardim, who settled in the Balkans and Asia Minor, preserved the Sephardic tradition much longer (Birri-Tomovska 2012: 34).
- 6.
See below The Judeo-Spanish Dialect, pp. 63–67.
- 7.
The Alliance israélite universelle was a Paris-based Jewish organization founded in 1860. One of its missions was to promote a more ‘advanced and westernized’ Jewish educational system using French as the language of instruction (Birri-Tomovska 2012: 89; 152; Cohen 2014: 10–11; Вучина Симовиħ 2016: 252).
- 8.
According to traditional and nationalist conceptions, when a Jew migrates to Israel, he or she makes an aliyah (Heb. Ascent) from the diaspora to Zion.
- 9.
- 10.
In the nineteenth century, German Jewry integrated the Sephardic liturgy, synagogue architecture, literature and scholarship. These domains offered an alternative to one’s East European origins (Schorsch 1989: 47). This fascination with Sephardism and Spain derived from self-criticism within German Jewry. In fact, the Haskalah enlightenment movement was inspired by Spain (Schorsch 1989: 48–49, Schapkow 2011: 9–10, 28). Some believed that the Sephardic branch of Judaism was better prepared to integrate into the majority Protestant society (i.e., just as the Jews were in Muslim Spain) and meet the political needs of a modern age (Schorsch 1989: 52–53, 63).
The purpose of orienting toward Sephardic culture was to remember it and not to see it as foreign, Sephardic Fremdkörper, but rather as simply Jewish. Thus, it should of course be incorporated in the architecture of Germany’s Jewry—as for example in the synagogue on the Oranienburgerstraße in Berlin which has a Sephardic-Oriental shape. Moreover, Zionism was considered a movement responding to anti-Semitism and therefore the Sephardic hybrid culture was appreciated as an attractive alternative. Jews on the Iberian Peninsula were recognized as mediators between Muslim and Christian majority cultures and Jewish minority cultures. This was especially admired and thought of as a role model for German Jewry (Schapkow 2011: 10–11, 28, 31, 33, 41; Efron 2016: 149–160).
- 11.
Arabic replaced Hebrew even in religious contexts and, in fact, Jewish culture was oriented toward the Arab language and culture.
- 12.
The Almohads was a caliphate that originated in Morocco.
- 13.
- 14.
Catholic anti-Semitism is manifested in ritual prejudices toward Jews: Jews were seen as evil. Moreover, the Spanish conversos were seen as the Jews who had killed Jesus (Alpert 2001: 9–10).
- 15.
Kamen (1996: 21–22) clarifies that there were many opponents to the limpieza statutes amongst kings, bishops, theologians and tribunals (Pedro de Soto, Melchor Cano, Jesuit Juan de Mariana and others). This public criticism culminated in the seventeenth century when Agustín Salucio published his Discurso sobre los estatutos de limpieza (1599). That said, when Conversos entered elite professions, they were seldom promoted if they could not forge records of their ancestry (Kamen 1996: 23, 25).
- 16.
Inquisitio means investigation and the Inquisition persecuted baptized Christians. Convicted ‘Judaizers’ were forced to renounce their supposed crime: heresy—specifically, ‘crypto-Judaism,’ which was an inquisitorial caricature and distortion of actual Jewish belief and practice. The Inquisitors released convicts to the secular authorities for punishment. From 1482 to 1530, some two thousand conversos were executed after being rightly or wrongly convicted of ‘Judaizing.’ Up until the last in 1832, executions of conversos were relatively rare (cf. Alpert 2001: 23–25).
- 17.
Policy on conversos varied. Sometimes they were not allowed to leave at all, and sometimes they were allowed to leave with or without belongings. In any case, those who left did so with what they could, legally or illegally (cf. Alpert 2001: 27; Gitlitz 2002: 26).
The Jews who converted to Christianity, at least in the public sphere, negotiated their individual and social identifications and were sometimes secret crypto-Jews or ʻJudaizers,ʼ colloquially attacked as ‘swine’ (marranos). New Christians were cut off from Judaism and struggled instead with the challenges of blending into the Christian mainstream. Anti-converso bigotry increasingly treated the Judaic ʻerrorʼ as incurable and therefore as a question of ‘impure infected blood’ driving the ‘impurity of one’s faith’ (Graizbord 2004: 1–3, 116–117). This situation meant that conversos who ‘Judaized’ practiced a fragmentary and confused observance, and cultivated the capacity to switch identities according to the context in order to protect themselves (Graizbord 2004: 151, 157–158).
During the sixteenth century many New Christians left Spain (and likewise Portugal and Mexico) (cf. Alpert 2001: 15; Mazower 2006: 47; Halevy 2009: 12). The Marranos who left did so especially because of the Spanish statutes of Limpieza de sangre that took further discriminatory measures against ‘New Christians.’ ‘New Christians’ were, for example, allowed to be active only in restricted areas of the economy (Benbassa and Rodrigue 2000: xli).
- 18.
In 2007, Sephardic culture was the theme of one such commemoration. In 2008, the theme was Europe and the passing of memory to succeeding generations. In 2009, the theme was solidarity and humanity broadly, and what lessons one can draw from the Holocaust (Baer 2011: 103–104).
The Holocaust has accurately become a globalized and cosmopolitan memory that transcends specific groups and goes beyond those nations who were directly affected. As a consequence, people are finding structural resemblances between the Holocaust and their own traumatic experiences (Baer 2011: 95).
- 19.
After the termination of the Spanish protectorate in Morocco in 1956, around 2500 Moroccan Sephardim immigrated to Spain (Menny 2013: 58; cf. Días-Mas and Romeu Ferré 2013: 225). In the 1980s, Jews from Chile and Argentina escaping their dictatorial home countries immigrated to Spain. These Jews were secular and understood themselves as political refugees of the Left (Menny 2013: 59) and did not approach the established Jewish institutions in Spain. Rather, they formed their own sub-institutions, which led to internal conflicts between themselves and the established Jewish institutions (Menny 2013: 60).
- 20.
Spanish anti-Semitism today is of course largely an anti-Semitism without Jews, as the contemporary Jewish population in Spain is so small (Menny 2013: 60, 63). At the same time, there are many attempts in Spanish society to have an infrastructure addressing Jewish culture. For example, there is a faculty for Hebrew literature and the Medieval Ages’ history of Spanish Jews at the University of Madrid (Menny 2013: 78). Governmental discussions about how to protect the Spanish-Jewish culture and about Spanish-Sephardic citizenship have been ongoing since 1950 (Menny 2013: 86, 90). Furthermore, the memorial site Museo Sefardí opened in Toledo 1964 and it eventually became a state national museum 1969 (Menny 2013: 322, 325). Other sites such as the Jewish quarter in Girona promote an idealistic ‘heritage tourism’ in Spain and are partly private and non-Jewish initiatives that in turn attract Jewish tourists to visit Spain (Menny 2013: 340, 344).
- 21.
According to Milica Stojkovic, the firm has a significant number of clients mainly from Argentina, Venezuela and some other Hispanic countries. In total, there are about 50 applicants (M. Stojkovic, Personal Communication, 21.10.2015).
- 22.
From 1991 until 2004 the German states/Bundesländer accepted Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union. This action was based on the Contingent Refugee Act/das Kontigentflüchtungsgesetz (HumHAG) (1991). When the Immigration Act/das Zuwanderungsgesetz (ZuWG) from January 2005 came into effect, the Contingent Refugee Act was voided. It then became necessary for the Russian Jews to prove Jewish ancestry, whereas previously this was not the case (you could also bring your non-Jewish relatives). Since 2005, the applicant moreover had to show a positive integration prognosis: German language skills (unless under the age of 14) and experience of employment. Persons who experienced Nazi persecution did not however have to demonstrate an integration prognosis; they did not have to know any German. It also concerned their husbands and wives, even if they were not Jewish (JZ 2007: 2).
Since 2007, the Residence Law/das Aufenhaltsgesetz (AufenthG) serves as the legal basis for issues surrounding Jewish immigration from the former Soviet Union. Furthermore, Article 116:2 of the German Basic Law/das Grundgesetz (GG) from 1949 gives those Germans who fled during the Second World War, such as Hannah Arendt, the right to come back and regain their German citizenship. This clause only concerns ethnic German Jews and not the worldwide Jewish community.
- 23.
Between 2010 and 2013, around 121 Sephardic Jews were granted Spanish nationality after meeting Spain’s residency or naturalization rules. This was a small proportion of those who actually applied (Minder 2015). Since the United Kingdom decided to leave the European Union, many British Sephardim have applied for Spanish citizenship (Jones 2016).
- 24.
Judeo-Spanish speakers in northern Morocco named their dialect Haketia (i.e., the Ladino of northern Morocco that was a mixture of Arabic and Spanish) (cf. Harris 2008: 21).
- 25.
Various opinions exist regarding the emergence of Ladino, but I assert that Judeo-Spanish emerged after the expulsion (cf. Bossong 2008: 90; Harris 2005: 99). Nevertheless, Ladino was another word for Spanish among the Jews in Spain (Bossong 2008: 88). There is also a persisting belief that Jews in Spain spoke Judeo-Spanish as early as the thirteenth or fourteenth century (Quintana 2007: 429; Harris 2005: 100; Ray 2013: 138; I. S. Vučina, Personal Communication, 15.7.2016).
- 26.
Nach der Ankunft in ihrem neuen Umfeld, in der Türkei und auf dem Balkan, verloren die Sepharden mit der Zeit die Verbindung zu ihrer alten Heimat Spanien und zu ihrer spanischen Muttersprache. Es gab keine lebendigen und intensiven Kontakte mehr mit der Pyrenäenhalbinsel: die Sprache erstarrte und erhielt keine neuen Impulse.
- 27.
- 28.
A Serbian literary language, also known as ‘the Belgrade style,’ developed under the influence of Western European nationalist Romanticism in the nineteenth century, it was based on the vernacular in its Ekavian form (Alexander 2006: 417). The Serb linguistic reformer and cultural historian Vuk Stefanović Karadžić was instrumental in its development. He ensured that many church language elements disappeared and were replaced by popular vernacular words (Naylor 1980: 71; Wachtel 1998: 25). Karadžić and his enthusiastic student and follower Daničić, fought to reform the vernacular in a write-as-you-speak manner and succeeded in implementing this maxim as a guiding principle for the language’s standardization (Naylor 1980: 42–73; Djokić 2010: 14; Bugarski 2013: 161–162).
- 29.
Runge (1995: 16–17) writes that Yiddish (as both a language and literature) also was fostered, at least officially. Birobidzhan was appointed as a Jewish autonomous city in Siberia in 1928, and the official language here was Yiddish even if the majority of the city’s population did not speak the language. During the 1920s and 1930s Yiddish was the official language in Belarus along with Belorussian, Polish and Russian. “[B]y 1933, almost half of all Jewish children in school in Belorussia and the Ukraine, areas of the former Pale, were attending a Yiddish school” (Gitelman 1991: 10). There were also newspapers in Yiddish, for example, in Moscow, Charkiv and Minsk (Gitelman 1991: 11).
- 30.
A.A. from the youngest and Tina Tauber from the middle generation did not wish to include a photo portrait of themselves in this book.
- 31.
There is a film Saved by Language about Moris Albahari, and it is about how his Judeo-Spanish language skills helped him to survive the Holocaust: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=R0qZYqb1OIU.
- 32.
Schengen is an agreement between 26 European states with a common visa policy, allowing citizens to pass freely across the border controls. Neither Bosnia-Herzegovina nor any other of the South Slavic countries are part of the Schengen agreement.
- 33.
- 34.
As Graizbord explains in one of our conversations (12.6.2017) with regard to the Western Sephardim: “I think that the bonds of the members of the Judeo-Portuguese and Judeo-Spanish nation were first and foremost ethnic. They probably thought of themselves as a nation of Hebrew stock and Iberian culture whose ancestral religion was Jewish” (D. L. Graizbord, Personal Communication, 12.6.2017; cf. Bodian 2008: 147; Ray 2013: 140–141, 144). An ethnic identification among the Eastern Sephardim from the Balkans was therefore perhaps a ‘known quantity’ from the very start—albeit an identification modeled by Western Sephardim and not by ones from the Ottoman Empire—and it is even disputable if the Sephardic identification was ever entirely ‘religious’ (Graizbord 2008: 35, 43, 45–46).
- 35.
The Alliance schools in the Balkans were located in Edirne, Istanbul, Izmir, Monastir, Salonica, Sofia and in Volos.
- 36.
In this context, the Versailles Treaty (1919) stipulated the protection of minority rights within multiethnic societies. That is partly why Zionists then became engaged in Jewish ‘Diaspora nationalism’—running in local elections and so on. Previously Zionism had kept aloof from European politics and focused on Zion. Then it opened a new vista, so to speak, which was both a cause and a symptom of what historians have called the ʻnationalization’ of Jewish communities and Jewish politics between the First and the Second World Wars (Fink 2017: 59; D. L. Graizbord, Personal Communication, 7.3.2018).
- 37.
In 1940, the Yugoslav authorities passed two anti-Jewish laws: one prohibited Jews from owning business that handled food, owned by Jews; the other introduced numerus clausus which reduced the number of Jews enrolled at schools and universities according to the percentage of Jews in the total population (Goldstein 1999: 10; Ivanković 2009: 32; Ristović 2001: 513).
- 38.
There were survivors as well who had been hiding with friends, and approximately 6% of the Yugoslav Jews were part of the Titoist partisan movement which fought against the occupiers (Ivanković 2009: 48, 60, 2011: 138; Greble 2011: 110, 113).
Filip David’s book Kuća sećanja i zaborava (2014) is about a six-year-old Serbian Jewish boy who was saved from the death camps by the help of his father and other Holocaust survivors. An English translation came out in 2017 with the title The House of Remembering and Forgetting.
- 39.
Around 500 Yugoslav Jews who were captured as Yugoslav Army officers and soldiers survived the war (Ristović 2001: 522).
- 40.
There were 14,000 Jews in the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina and 10,000, that is, 71.5%, of them perished. In Macedonia there were 7762 Jews and 6982 of them—90%—were killed. In the Serbian territory 11,000 out of 12,500 Jews—88%—were killed. The reason why more Jews from Bosnia and Herzegovina survived was because they succeeded to flee to the Italian zone (Zone B) (Goldstein 2004: 155, 181; Вучина Симовиħ 2016: 165–166).
Živković (2000: 69) clarifies that the Jewish experience of suffering and exile, especially during the Holocaust, was seen as the ultimate narrative of victimhood that was not questioned—hence, there was a desire of other Yugoslav groups to be Jewish.
- 41.
In the population census of 1953, 93.8% of the Bosnian Muslims declared themselves as nationally undetermined Yugoslavs, 3.8% of them declared as Serbs and 1.7% as Croats (Bougarel 2003: 106–107). The high percentage of mixed marriages in the Bosnian society made many people declare themselves as nationally undetermined Yugoslavs instead of as Muslims, Serbs and Croats. This was also a category that people chose as a protection against Serb and Croat nationalisms and in interest of Muslim nationalism (Bougarel 2003: 107–108).
- 42.
According to Kordić (2013: 235, 237), 73% of the Yugoslav population spoke Serbo-Croatian in different Bosnian-Herzegovinian, Croatian, Serbian and Montenegrin sub-variants; 8% spoke Slovenian; 8% spoke Albanian; 6% Macedonian; 2% Hungarian; 0.6% Romani; and less than 0.5% spoke either Bulgarian, Czech, Italian, Romanian, Russian, Slovakian, Turkish and Ukrainian.
- 43.
According to the population census in 1981, in Bosnia and Herzegovina there were 42.4% Muslims, 19% Croats and 36.7% Serbs (Kočović 1998: 338).
- 44.
Freidenreich (1979: 68) maintains that the Jewish Community Center was the basic organizational unit where all types of cultural, educational, religious and charitable activities took place.
- 45.
In Gordiejew’s (1999) work on the Yugoslav Jewry, the cultural life of Yugoslav Jews is elaborated upon further. However, in his work, the term ‘identity’ is taken for granted, and is not analyzed at all (cf. Gordiejew 1999: 16). Furthermore, Ivanković (2009: 237–268) writes extensively about the cultural activities of the Jews in the second Yugoslavia.
- 46.
From 1958, the ‘European Communities’ (EC) comprised EEC, ECSC and Euratom. The association was subsumed under the EU in 1993.
- 47.
See further: Burg and Shoup (1999).
- 48.
See further: Burg and Shoup (1999).
- 49.
In total, there were more than one million people who fled from Bosnia-Herzegovina during the siege (Markowitz 2010: 9).
- 50.
130 Jews went to Canada, 104 to Spain, 51 to Switzerland and 43 to the United Kingdom (Kerkkänen 2001: 175).
- 51.
The photojournalist Edward Serotta has documented the humanitarian efforts of the Jewish Community Center during the siege.
- 52.
In the census of 1991, 26.62% of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s population named their native language as Serbo-Croatian, 37.12% called it Bosnian, 18.85% Serbian, 13.56% Croatian and 2.46% claimed to have no mother tongue (Markowitz 2010: 70).
- 53.
Jakob Finci explains:
The faculty of Philosophy has a chair for national languages and they said that the national languages here are not only Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian but also Ladino and the language of Roma people. But it’s not easy to make these minority-languages part of the curriculum because these things cost and financial problems in this country are enormous. (J. Finci, Personal Communication, 16.3.2018)
Another development is that the five Jewish children/siblings in the Catholic Kreševo (just outside Sarajevo) can attend Sephardic Jewish classes once a week instead of being forced to attend the regular Catholic class (E. Tauber, Personal Communication, 26.11.2015). According to Yehuda Kolonomos, however, who is father of the children, this is no longer the case in practice but only on paper. “It doesn’t make sense for Tauber to come to Kreševo because of the very little salary he gets” (Y. Kolonomos, Personal Communication, 21.3.2018).
- 54.
In a Facebook Messenger message (29.6.2018) Igor Kožemjakin clarifies that his wife studied Hebrew at the International Solomon University in Kiev. Igor himself learned Hebrew during the time he was living in Israel from 1994 to 2001.
- 55.
Burić (2012: 227) writes that many former Yugoslavs, and not only the Jews, are nostalgic about the Yugoslav period and especially former Yugoslavs from Bosnia and Herzegovina (cf. Maksimović 2017: 1071). Additionally, the high number of mixed marriages in Bosnia and Herzegovina (16% in Sarajevo) and the high number of Bosnians declaring themselves as Yugoslavs reflect the strong role of a Yugoslav identity among Bosnians (Burić 2012: 228–229). Apart from that, the lack of a generational consensus regarding ‘Bosnianness’ has made this category ambiguous, and as a consequence the Muslims tend to declare themselves in various ways (Burić 2012: 232–233).
Maksimović (2017: 1073) argues that the Yugonostalgia serves as a reminder that post-Yugoslav societies need more of a critical discussion about their communist past. Furthermore, she thinks that the nostalgic feelings about the past represents a ‘utopian desire’ for a better future, that is, with more trustworthy politicians, less nationalism and more tolerance (Maksimović 2017: 1073, 1076).
- 56.
Djokić (2006: 2792) writes that Yugoslavs enjoyed government-sponsored social systems which made it possible for everyone to obtain housing and free health care. Between 1945 and 1950, the American Distribution Committee donated food and clothes to the Yugoslav Jews, improving their living conditions (Ivanković 2009: 138, 374, 2011: 145–146). However, in the 1980s there was a growth in unemployment and a decline in living standards. As Mesarič (2017: 584) writes: “Secure jobs and housing that constituted ‘normality’ in socialist Yugoslavia were replaced with precarity and soaring unemployment…” (cf. Maksimović 2017: 1071, 1077). As Maksimović (2017: 1071) writes: “facing a difficult socioeconomic situation and general life conditions, people look into the past searching for a lost sense of security and stability.” These economic problems in socialist Yugoslavia were moreover one factor, among others, which led to the disintegration of the country (Djokić 2006: 2792).
- 57.
They still identify as ‘Yugoslavs,’ even after the breakup of Yugoslavia (Eliezer Papo, Personal Communication, 26.2.2015).
- 58.
In 1882, the first Zionists from tsarist Russia settled in Ottoman Palestine and in 1910 the second wave of Zionists settled there (Shindler 2012: 298).
- 59.
In 1894, captain Alfred Dreyfus was accused of espionage in France. He was prosecuted for allegedly sharing secrets with Germany. Dreyfus was sentenced to prison on Devil’s Island off the coast of South America but he claimed that he was innocent. When the actual spy was found, Dreyfus was able to return to France. He was then placed on trial again and found guilty a second time, but was excused from serving more time. Only in 1906 was Dreyfus exonerated (Rayfield 1999: 184–185; Shindler 2012: 296).
- 60.
The war of Independence (May 1948–January 1949) marks a point of departure for the modern conflict between Jews and Arabs in the Middle East. The war resulted in 700,000 Palestinian Arabs—who began to call themselves simply “Palestinians” after 1970—fleeing, and in a few cases, being expelled from their homes, transforming 80% of them into refugees. Another result was that their lands were ‘nationalized’ as part of the new Jewish state and no compensation was given to them by the Israeli army. It is estimated that a new Jewish settlement was created every third day and that after 1948, the Israeli Palestinians turned into a minority (having had settled mainly in the West Bank, Gaza and nearby Arab countries) within the newly founded Israeli territory (Segev 1998; Yonah 2005: 102; Shindler 2012: 295). There are a few so-called new historians who challenge mainstream interpretations of the circumstances of the war of liberation. Morris (2007: 19–20), for example, argues that some Arabs were expelled but also that most of them left voluntarily.
- 61.
Smooha (2005: 25–29) describes an ethnic democracy model. In accordance with this model, an ethnic group has an exclusive right to a certain territory, which in turn results in a community where certain members are more included than others. This results in the creation of two distinct groups: insiders and outsiders. Even if an outsider becomes a citizen, this person will still not be able to obtain the same rights as an insider, whose language, religion and ethnicity are favored. The insiders are first-class citizens and only these members have the opportunity to contribute and participate for the common good.
- 62.
- 63.
One reason why Ben-Gurion, the first prime minister of Israel, immigrated from Poland to Palestine in the first place was his love of the Hebrew language. As a journalist, he argued that reviving Hebrew would lead to unification of the Jewish nation (Bar-Zohar 1967: 25). This meant that he foresaw in the process of creating a Jewish nation, that there would be rival interests, not only among Jews and non-Jews (Arabs and British) but also between the Jews themselves (Bar-Zohar 1967: 32; Shindler 2012: 303; cf. Birri-Tomovska 2012: 163). Discussions in the left-wing circles also focused on the possibility of a dual-national Jewish-Arab state. Herzl, however, did not promote a common Hebrew lingua. He saw Hebrew as a religious language and argued that the Jews should speak the languages they brought with them, pointing to Switzerland as an example of another multilingual country (Avineri 2013: 131).
- 64.
- 65.
In 2008, the staff at Israeli universities constituted 90% Ashkenazim and 9% Mizrahim (out of which 2% were women and 1% Arabs). Women constituted 27% of the total academic staff (Illouz 2015: 185). These figures reveal the structural discrimination toward Mizrahim, Arabs and women and that most of the power is in the hands of Ashkenazic men (Illouz 2015: 185–186).
Moreover, Israel has a huge relational poverty, meaning that the gap between rich and poor is rated to be one of the biggest in the West (only United States’ gap is bigger). Only 10% of the total Israeli population owns 70% of the private capital (Shindler 2012: 298).
- 66.
There are many scholars who would say that Shas has nothing to do with Sephardism. Nevertheless, the categories Sephardic and Mizrahic have served different purposes over time and I argue that the Shas movement is part of a general movement to give voice to marginal cultures in Israel (cf. Moreno 2015: 55). Moreno (2012: 68–69) indicates in this regard that the Mizrahim through the ‘Sephardic Shas’ were responding to the notion of having been victimized and silenced in the ‘Eurocentric Zionist project.’ The protest movement The Black Panthers was part of this Mizrahic revolt beginning already in the 1970s in Israel (Herschthal 2010).
Moreover, as Schorsch (2007: 85) acknowledges, the Sephardic community is imagined and a clear-cut division between Sephardim and Mizrahim is thus not very relevant. The main difference between the communities is of course the Judeo-Spanish language versus Arab (cf. Wexler 2005: 37).
- 67.
The foundation of The National Authority for Ladino Language and Culture was a political act that became possible due to the desire to honor Itzhak Navon, the president of Israel between 1978 and 1983 and a descendant of a Sephardic family (N. Pinto-Abecasis, Personal Communication, 14.3.2015).
- 68.
Perhaps Tea Abinun also mentions Sweden because it was one of the countries (alongside Austria, Switzerland and West Germany) where former Yugoslavs (so-called Gastarbeiter in the German context) immigrated.
- 69.
See further: Schuessler (2015).
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Rock, J. (2019). A Transformation of the Sephardic Communities and Sarajevo Sephardic Attitudes Toward Yugoslavia, Spain and Israel. In: Intergenerational Memory and Language of the Sarajevo Sephardim. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14046-5_3
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