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Civil Religions of a Secular Communitas

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Part of the book series: Cultural Sociology ((CULTSOC))

Abstract

This chapter analyzes the secular and the religious components of the Greek civil religion, as well as the basic features of the sponsored, by State and Church, civic religions of Greece up to 1974, the year the junta regime gave way to the Third Greek Republic, and new definitions of the nation and the political community. In all, it argues that the complex populism-collectivism, which characterizes Greek politics today, emerged during the junta regime (1967–1974), in the form of an authoritarian civic religion which glorified the authenticity of rural life, and the virtues of the ‘common folk’.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For various civil religions and their moral sources, see: Bellah and Hamond (1980/2013) and Marcela Cristi (2001).

  2. 2.

    As Bellah and Hammond argue (ibid.), nationalism is not necessarily a form of civil religion. Secular nationalism, such as the Mexican one, does not constitute a civil religion. To be so, nationalism needs to be organically attached to transcendental, religious, symbols, texts, and rituals.

  3. 3.

    As Weber indicates, salvation is not to be found in all ethical religions. Confucianism, for example, certainly has a religious ethic, but it has not a need for salvation. The reluctance of post-war China to incorporate in its civic religion cultural-traumatic events, such as the Nanking massacre (Alexander and Gao 2007), which entail sacrifice with salvationist overtones, could be attributed to this propensity. Christianity, on the other hand, is deeply salvationist, and thus civil religions that appear in Christian countries are affected by, and incorporate, visions of salvation. See Hayes (1960, 164–167).

  4. 4.

    For example, see a series of case studies in Harrison and Huntington (2001).

  5. 5.

    The term was coined by the anthropologist Gregory Bateson (1935) to describe forms of self-destructive competitive social interactions; that societies can be stuck for a long time in a state where unity is broken, and yet the schismatic social components are forced to stay together, producing an unpleasant and violent existence.

  6. 6.

    Interestingly enough, redemption is not part of this recurring discourse. It assumes that the Greek nation never sins. This is a crucial omission from the moral equation used in public discourses. We delve on this very crucial peculiarity at a later point.

  7. 7.

    For the development of the moral self in the West, see Taylor (1989); for the equivalent development of the self in the East see Ramfos (2011).

  8. 8.

    See William McNeill (1978); also, Nikos Kalapothakos’ analysis of popular culture after WW II. https://jaj.gr/readings/%E1%BC%95nas-%E1%BC%A5ros-m%E1%BD%B2-panto%E1%BF%A6fles-1958-senario-skinothesia-%E1%BC%80lekos-sakellarios/.

  9. 9.

    The presence of this fusion of civility and religiosity made itself visible during the police ID cards crisis in 2000 when millions of Greeks demonstrated against the political decision to remove the recordation of the citizens’ religious affiliation from them.

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Correspondence to Manussos Marangudakis .

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Marangudakis, M. (2019). Civil Religions of a Secular Communitas. In: The Greek Crisis and Its Cultural Origins. Cultural Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13589-8_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13589-8_5

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-030-13588-1

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