Abstract
In this chapter, I examine how liberal multiculturalism(s) is/are valued or devalued, interpreted and appropriated. Before drawing on arguments for and against cultural recognition, I first set the parameters for culture and cultural groups. Then, I explain how multiculturalism emerged in response to liberal classicist treatments of cultural pluralism, which I illustrate through Brian Barry’s prominent contentions as a key critic of multiculturalism. Next, I outline Kymlicka’s theory of multiculturalism, which provides a revised understanding of liberal norms and reveals the inadequacies of classicist interpretations of equality and justice. This lack is amply demonstrated by empirical examples where citizens are marginalised due to or partly because of their perceived cultural differences. Through a reinvention of liberal norms, Kymlicka argued for the necessity of group-specific citizenship rights. Where Kymlicka’s work made the recognition of cultural difference relevant to the liberal agenda, Parekh further effected an ontological shift in the construction of cultural, individual and national identities. In the final section, I explain the differences between Kymlicka’s autonomy-based multiculturalism and Parekh’s group-based multiculturalism, and I consider the latter’s arguments for representative multicultural citizenship. By tracing the contributions outlined above, I concurrently show how citizenship is understood and privileged within multiculturalist discourse as the ideal form of inclusion and protection, and how this co-articulation has shaped theoretical trajectories of multiculturalism as well as its empirical limits.
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I thank Tariq Modood for this analogy.
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Key to this strand is Chandran Kukathas (1992: 107, 2003: 8) who argues for a libertarian multiculturalism based on ‘individual liberty or individual rights’, with a focus on freedom to associate and exit from groups. In his view, the duty of the liberal state is to allow individuals to exist as ‘different communities operating in a sea of mutual toleration’ with little to no state intervention; such intervention would be a contravention of liberal autonomy. While other multiculturalists take comparable standpoints in relation to liberal toleration, such as William Galston, Emily Gill and Geoff Levey, they place limits on value pluralism and toleration when individual autonomy is compromised.
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Sarah Song (2005) also points out how the interconnections between minorities and majorities are often overlooked, such that majority norms reproduce gender hierarchies within minority cultures.
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Here, a ‘neutral policy’ is one that is ‘even-handed’, but not ‘culturally neutral’. This particular definition emerges from Barry’s engagement with multiculturalist critiques that liberalism cannot be culturally neutral. Contesting that multiculturalist understandings of cultural neutrality is ‘manifestly absurd’, Barry (2001: 27–29) argues that ‘for liberalism… to be culturally neutral, there would have to be no existing (or possible?) world-view with which it conflicts’.
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In the Canadian context, indigenous peoples receive an unequal share of social resources because they are outvoted on crucial economic and political issues. This inequality between indigenous and non-indigenous people is one that exceeds individual choice; the existence of a cultural community in itself can undermine the worth and legitimacy of an individual. Kymlicka (1989b: 189) argues that an Inuit child already faces inequality on the basis that she grows up with the association of her cultural community, which will affect her no matter what projects she chooses to pursue. This trajectory is unlikely to be experienced by an English-Canadian child, regardless of his choices.
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I treat minority rights and group-specific rights as synonymous in this instance. However, I avoid doing so in later sections that problematise the ‘minority/majority’ categories. While it is not within the scope of this book to fully address how ‘minority’ or ‘group-specific’ rights are construed and carried out within policy, Levy (1997) provides a tabled classification for different types of ‘cultural policies’ with regard to their normative implications, such as their effects on groups and/or individuals and group–state relations (see also Vitikainen 2015: Chapter 1). Further, apart from quoting scholarship, I do not use ‘cultural policies’, ‘cultural rights’ or ‘group rights’ in this book, because they do not emphasise the differentiated nature of ‘group-specific rights’, which are tailored according to group needs.
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Multiculturalists who justify cultural accommodation based on liberal autonomy vary in their degrees of support for various types of qualifying conditions for non-interference such as the freedom of exit, level of state intervention and role of education. Chandran Kukathas (2003) is a multiculturalist who is more inclined than Kymlicka to sanction cultural practices that appear to violate individual autonomy on the condition of freedom to exit. In this regard, Kukathas (2003: 16) describes Kymlicka’s version of multiculturalism as ‘comprehensive liberalism’ because of its emphasis on autonomy. For multiculturalist debates about autonomy, see Crowder (2013), Levey (2010: 21–26), and Murphy (2011: 26).
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Parekh’s line of questioning is reminiscent of postcolonialist scholars who argue that the recognition of culture represents the continuity of liberal power as an oppressive structure, operative where groups’ inability to meet the liberal requirements of a ‘valid’ culture justifies their marginalisation from wider society (Ivison 2002: 44).
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For the purposes of this section, I explain misrecognition as multiculturalists such as Parekh, Taylor and Modood initially employed it. The following chapters note debates about misrecognition arising from the work of Nancy Fraser, as well as more contemporary interpretations from scholars including Wendy Martineau, Nasar Meer and Simon Thompson.
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Carens refers to recognition only in the context of immigrants. While agreeing with his perspective of recognition, I distance myself from the categorical assessment of immigrants as a distinct group, arguing instead for the extension of group-specific rights to non-citizens, i.e. including those who are not eligible for citizenship.
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While related to deliberative democracy , Parekh’s conception of intercultural dialogue is distinct when it recognises the value of cultural particularities and blurs the demarcation between public and private, and political and non-political realms (Parekh 2006: 15). Parekh (2006: 312) criticises Rawls’ theory of public reason for failing to consider the role of culture within deliberative processes. Similarly, Habermas’ discourse ethic takes a proceduralist approach that only recognises ‘“what” is and ignores “who” said it’, in the belief that arguments can be objective and ahistorical (Parekh 2006: 312). Parekh contends that cultural particularities affect the arguments made as well as the deliberative forum itself. Processes of deliberation must consider how majority cultural norms can stifle the inclusion of minority cultures. While intercultural dialogue shares the same dialogical nature as Rawls’ and Habermas’ notions of deliberative democracy , it diverges when cultural differences are recognised as valuable and relevant to dialogue.
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Liberal nationalism is a spectrum, with liberal nationalists such as Kymlicka representing a ‘thinner’ version of national culture and placing more emphasis on the recognition of cultural minorities compared to liberal nationalists such as Miller, who calls for a significantly thicker notion of national culture (Levey 2016: 208).
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In line with most multiculturalists, this call for diversity should be coupled with civic norms and measures that mitigate illiberal claims. An ideology and policy framework of multiculturalism should ensure the protection of basic human rights and require adaptation and compromise from both majority and minority groups. Efforts recommended within scholarship range from less interventionist measures such as dialogue, to state education and exit funds for marginalised subgroups (Eisenberg and Spinner-Halev 2005; Murphy 2011: 107; Parekh 2000).
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National culture refers here to ‘not only a rational allegiance to the state, but also intuitive, emotional, symbolic allegiances to a historic nation, even while the nature of the nation is contested and re-imagined’ (Meer et al. 2010: 92).
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A point of contestation emerges in the US context where involuntary migration (of infants and children) leads to adulthood with no legal rights/status.
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Teo, TA. (2019). Multicultural Citizenship. In: Civic Multiculturalism in Singapore. Palgrave Politics of Identity and Citizenship Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13459-4_2
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