Abstract
The Faculty Ajit joined in 1965 boasted a jostling pantheon of Cambridge greats. Rife with divisions, it was an arena of intellectual contestations and gladiatorial jousting, in a state of permanent revolution with continuous orthodox-versus-heterodox battles for controlling Faculty decision-making. Ajit was the linchpin for keeping the left/heterodox groups mobilised. The following 25 years constituted possibly the most volatile period of Cambridge economics. Despite their great history, formidable strength and diversity, these heterodox lineages atrophied and evanesced dramatically as Cambridge economics fell under the control of the orthodox mainstream camp. What explains this remarkable turnaround? How could the fertile, productive intellectual ecology of that great banyan tree of Cambridge heterodox traditions mutate so rapidly into an arid genetically modified mono-strain culture? How were relevant and radical imaginations and curiosities lobotomised? How could this powerhouse of fabled heterodox economists wind up losing the Faculty war? There are many answers but little consensus.
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Notes
- 1.
Over that period, the Faculty would include, among others: Alan Brown , David Champernowne , Phyllis Deane , Maurice Dobb , Charles Feinstein, Pierangelo Garegnani , Richard Goodwin , Frank Hahn , Richard Kahn , Nicky Kaldor , Robin Marris, R. C. O. Matthews , James Meade , Luigi Pasinetti , Brian Reddaway , Austin Robinson , Richard Stone; Robert Neild and Wynne Godley came a little later. Under their watch was a younger cohort including Geoff Harcourt , M. J. Farrell , Francis Cripps , Bob Rowthorn , John Eatwell , Mario Nuti , Ron Smith, John Wells , Michael Kuczynski, not to mention the battalion of young Turks at the DAE , Ken Coutts , Roger Tarling , Hashem Pesaran , Vani Borooah , Angus Deaton , Mervyn King , Michael Ellman , Terence Ward , Frank Wilkinson , Geoff Whittington , Tony Lawson , Terry Barker (aka Swami Amrit Terry), Nick von Tunzelmann , John Llewellyn and several other worthies.
- 2.
Reported in Millmow (2014, p. 4). Millmow corrects Prest’s mistake in placing Harry Johnson in the Kahn group—the error arising possibly from the fact that Johnson was assigned to Maurice Dobb for his studies.
- 3.
- 4.
From the biographical account by his daughter, Daman Singh (2014, pp. 115–116).
- 5.
And then there is the case of Goodwin and Stone throwing up a puzzle: “friends as we are, we never collaborated. Our aims as economists are the same, our skills complementary, and for over three decades we have lived in the same town”—and I might add shared the same Faculty space, even a common first name. “Together we might have produced some masterly works that would have astonished the world … but we never got down to it”—so runs Dick Stone’s lament (quoted in Pasinetti 2007, p. 213). The feeling was mutual and reciprocated; Ron Smith drew my attention to a comment by Dick Goodwin (1995) about how difficult it was for him to be friends with both Stone and Kahn-Robinson (Ron Smith , personal communication, email dated 30 January 2018).
- 6.
- 7.
Black holes of abstraction as they might have been, there was dense substance hidden in them. In looking back at debates, Avi Cohen and Geoff Harcourt (2003, p. 113) ask if it really was what Joan called the outcome of “sloppy habits of thought”, or just “a tempest in a teapot of concern now only to the historians of economics”. Their answer highlights three key aspects of significance: “the first is the meaning and … the measurement of the concept of capital in the analysis of industrial capitalist societies; the second is Joan Robinson’s complaint that equilibrium was not the outcome of an economic process and therefore an inadequate tool for analysing processes of capital accumulation and growth; the third issue is the role of ideology and vision in fuelling controversy when the results of simple models are not robust”.
- 8.
Personal communication, email dated 16 January 2018.
- 9.
Vani Borooah drew a telling comparison: “Frank Hahn attacked the person if he was ‘on the other side’; Ajit attacked only the ideas, even if the person was ‘on the other side’” (personal communication).
- 10.
Vani Borooah , personal communication; email dated 23 July 2015. Dr. Vani Borooah was a Senior Research Officer in Dick Stone’s modelling team at the DAE (1977–1987); Fellow of Queens’ College (1979–1987); and then Professor of Applied Economics at the University of Ulster; member of the Royal Irish Academy; President of the Irish Economic Association (1994–1996), and also of the European Public Choice Society; presently Emeritus Professor of Applied Economics at the University of Ulster.
- 11.
See, however, Matthews (1968) for an alternative argumentation.
- 12.
- 13.
The mild-mannered, professionally accomplished concert-class oboist, and connoisseur of wine and all things fine, Wynne Godley (1926–2010) was also regarded as one of the most shrewd policy and forecasting economists of his day, and for this last quality was lured by Kaldor to Cambridge to lead the DAE , with a Fellowship at King’s College . Along with a team of young Turks, and prominently seconded by Francis Cripps , he set up the Cambridge Economic Policy Group (CEPG) in 1971 that closely tracked the British economy; its canny forecasts and policy pronouncements were waited upon by researchers and government policymakers alike. CEPG became the second flagship of the empirical facet of Cambridge economics , running in parallel with the more structural Cambridge Growth Project pioneered by Alan Brown and Richard Stone and run subsequently by Stone and Terry Barker . Despite this high esteem and visibility, the troubled Godley was an unhappy man at Cambridge.
- 14.
Dejected Godley, second son of a Baron, is disdainful of the younger faculty’s lobbying for their jobs; but should this surprise one when young staff have parents, wives and children, and homes and mortgages, and when they like their work, their place of work and their colleagues at work; it seems they had the quality; and in any event, all DAE jobs, barring Wynne’s own, were on short project-cycle fixed-term funding contracts. Perhaps the problem was that Godley was used to being an executive top-down director in the government bureaucracy, or accustomed to the discipline of an orchestra with everyone on the same page; but that behavioural pattern doesn’t travel well into academe, of which he had relatively little prior experience.
- 15.
In his Tribute to Brian Reddaway , however, Ajit writes: “it is not generally known that he [Reddaway] played a key role in the appointment of Frank Hahn , a mathematical economist, to an economics chair in Cambridge” (Singh 2009, p. 371).
- 16.
See also Geoff Harcourt’s review of Luigi Pasinetti’s book (Harcourt 2009).
- 17.
Bob Rowthorn (2008) opines “the fact that Kaldor died relatively young was a great loss; Cambridge economics would have been very different if he had lived another ten years”; but Harcourt (2011) tells us that the writing was on the wall when Hahn was installed in Kahn’s Chair, and that was due to Kaldor, whose student Hahn had been for a while at LSE. Of course, if wishes were horses, many might have wished Keynes had lived twenty years longer and seen through the consolidation of the new schools of thought.
- 18.
Address delivered by Luigi Pasinetti at the memorial service for Richard Kahn at King’s College Chapel, 21 October 1989.
- 19.
“The Keynesian group had left no successor in an influential position. In the last few years of his life, Nicholas Kaldor was explicit enough to openly recognize this as a failure. Richard Kahn perhaps felt it even more deeply than Kaldor, but kept it to himself” (Pasinetti 2007, p. 85. See also pp. 212–213).
- 20.
See the obituary for Michael Posner in the Royal Economic Society Newsletter, no. 133, April 2006: http://www.res.org.uk/SpringboardWebApp/userfiles/res/file/obituaries/posner.pdf.
- 21.
- 22.
Worth noting here also is the potential damage caused by the public airing, in the press and other forums, of “internal” Cambridge differences, such as the clashes between different “Keynesian” camps over the “new” Cambridge equation or model, with Godley, Neild , Cripps and others on the one side and Richard Kahn and Michael Posner on the other. Posner was soon to take over the Chairmanship of the SSRC. See Mata (2012) and Smith (2016).
- 23.
Godley joined the Levy Institute in New York from 1994 and headed its macro-modelling team, where, among others, Alex Izurieta took on the role of the supporting modelling “junior partner”. Godley’s work culminated in his joint book with Marc Lavoie (Godley and Lavoie 2007), who says, “My view of Wynne’s theoretical work is that his work is a quest for the Holy Grail of Keynesianism … the need to integrate the real and the monetary sides of economics” (Lavoie 2010, p. 6). As Francis Cripps pointed out, “what they were doing was Keynesian monetary economics; it was not neoclassical let alone general equilibrium monetary economics” (Cripps, quoted in Lavoie 2010, p. 7).
- 24.
Puzzlingly, during 1974–1976—the span of years when this change would have been effected—the President of the Royal Economic Society , which oversees the selection of editors, was none other than the redoubtable Nicky Kaldor . Perhaps the editorship was surreptitiously whisked away when Nicky was in one of his gentle slumbers in some committee meeting and not roused in time; more likely, it was the outcome of a well-prepared challenge mounted despite Kaldor’s watch.
- 25.
“In my view these were some of the greatest years of the Journal. That the Journal no longer contains either reviews … or book notes, or even obituaries , is a sad reflection on it not being what it used to be” (Harcourt 2012a).
- 26.
Frederic Lee (2007a, p. 8) records it thus: “Responding to the pending move of the Economic Journal from Cambridge to Oxford (which took place at the end of 1976) and the consequence that the new editors would be more likely to reject papers critical of mainstream economics, the younger heterodox socialist economists — John Eatwell , Ajit Singh, and Bob Rowthorn — began thinking in late 1974 about establishing their own journal. … To ensure that the prospective journal remained under their control, a cooperative was formed in 1976, the Cambridge Political Economy Society (CPES), which would own and produce it”. Eatwell (2016, p. 365) provides an account from the horse’s mouth: “In late 1975 Ajit Singh, Bob Rowthorn , Frank Wilkinson and John Eatwell held a number of dinner meetings at a restaurant called La Garconne in Mill Road, Cambridge”; on their menu was the challenge of founding a new journal to inhabit the space that would be vacated by the departure of Economic Journal from Cambridge; “for the first time since 1912 it would not have a Cambridge editor and it was feared that the scope of the journal would narrow, particularly with respect to the publication of less orthodox material”. That the journal, which now occupies a special pedestal in heterodox economics, was born would be a foregone conclusion; though the fact that the meetings did not take place at Ajit’s haunt, Curry Queen , also on Mill Road, remains puzzling!
- 27.
Of special significance here is the research on “do trade unions cause inflation?”; see Jackson , et al. (1972).
- 28.
Terry Barker’s letter dated 1 July 1986 to Christina Hadjimatheou , Secretary of the Consortium.
- 29.
Richard Stone letter to Secretary to the Consortium, Christina Hadjimatheou , 3 July 1986.
- 30.
Terry Barker Letter to Christina Hadjimatheou , 1 July 1986, point 3; cf also point 9.
- 31.
Presumably, “the last distinguished economist” referred to could be Angus Deaton or his friend Mervyn King, both having left in 1976, well prepared at and perhaps by CGP for their fine careers ahead.
- 32.
Francis Cripps , personal communication, email dated 11 February 2018.
- 33.
In one of these, Ajit’s own seminal work in industrial economics was singled out by Michael Posner for praise for its exceptional quality and held up as an exemplar of what was best in DAE . But Posner was using this as a stick to beat what he alleged was a subsequent decline in the standards of DAE research. Ajit flatly rejected this charge in his own testimony; DAE was also the home of the massive initiatives in industrial economics research of Ajit’s younger research collaborators led by Alan Hughes in partnership with Andy Cosh —and Ajit was proud of the evolution of the early work on the corporate sector developing, under the dynamic Alan Hughes , into the Centre for Business Studies, first within the DAE, and then in its new home, the Judge Business School . Ajit would also have disagreed profoundly with Posner’s demand that the DAE should be more conventional, play other people’s games, and devote itself to producing research that could become “footnoteable” in the mainstream American and European literature; if anything, Ajit’s life was devoted not to producing such footnotes, but to the endeavour of dislodging the text and grand narrative of the mainstream. The heterodox school was not devoting all its life years of intellectual energy to becoming footnotes in the neoclassical narrative: they were challenging it through their critique of the mainstream, but more importantly by creating their own independent text. Ajit and the DAE were firmly part of this enterprise.
- 34.
The others interviewed were Frank Hahn , Robin Matthews and Bob Rowthorn .
- 35.
This is reproduced in toto and with permission, in Appendix B.
- 36.
Nicholas Stern (2016), Building on Success and Learning from Experience: An Independent Review of the Research Excellence Framework . The independent review was commissioned by the Minister of Universities and Science, Jo Johnson , in November 2015, and reported in July 2016. See also Jump (2013).
- 37.
Ajit Singh was one of the forty Cambridge names listed as the original “members and fellow travellers” of the Conference of Socialist Economists in 1970, the year of its formation (Lee 2007a, Appendix A1); the list includes Maurice Dobb , John Eatwell , Michael Ellman , Charles Feinstein, Jean Gardiner , Richard Goodwin , Donald Harris, Mario Nuti , Suzanne Paine, Luigi Pasinetti , Prabhat Patnaik , Utsa Patnaik , S. K. Rao , Joan Robinson , Bob Rowthorn , Ajit Singh , among others. Hugo Radice , writing in the first issue of the Bulletin of the Conference of Socialist Economists , writes that the first Conference took place in London in January 1970 with 75 participants; the second was held in Cambridge when 120 attended; “there were papers and useful discussion on the capital theory debate, on development economics and on the international firm” (Radice 1971, p. 5).
- 38.
For a somewhat more optimistic take from outside of Cambridge, see Frederic Lee (2007a).
- 39.
See Terry Barker , Curriculum Vitae , April 2016, p. 11. http://www.neweconomicthinking.org/downloads/TerryBarker_CV.pdf.
- 40.
It is especially striking that this Lucas comment was apparently made in 1980, when Cambridge economics seemed to be flourishing and not under any immediate existential threat.
- 41.
“We believe that the narrow training of economists — which concentrates on mathematical techniques and the building of empirically uncontrolled formal models — has been a major reason for this failure in our profession. This defect is enhanced by the pursuit of mathematical technique for its own sake in many leading academic journals and departments of economics. There is a species of judgment, attainable through immersion in a literature or a history that cannot be adequately expressed in formal mathematical models. It’s an essential part of a serious education in economics, but has been stripped out of most leading graduate programmes in economics in the world, including in the leading economics departments in the UK. Models and techniques are important. But given the complexity of the global economy, what is needed is a broader range of models and techniques governed by a far greater respect for substance, and much more attention to historical, institutional, psychological and other highly relevant factors ” (Dow et al. 2009). The LSE had been in the forefront of the orthodox movement from the 1960s.
- 42.
Yes, one can hear a murmur: “aren’t you comparing apples and oranges”; the answer simply is that the orange growers are growing better quality oranges than the apple growers, whose apples are relatively inferior in quality on the “apple scale”; and there are large numbers of growers of each. Business Studies and Development Studies might have won a bronze each in their respective events, but Economics hasn’t made it to the podium in its own event. No bragging rights then for the sanskritised Faculty of Economics on this count.
- 43.
On the decline, and the subsequent powerful recovery of relevance, of Keynesianism, see the insightful treatment in Eatwell and Milgate (2011). While there was irreversible genetic change within Cambridge, the traditions were too strong to be demolished by a gang of luddites, and have rooted again, though not in their original habitat.
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Saith, A. (2019). Faculty Wars. In: Ajit Singh of Cambridge and Chandigarh. Palgrave Studies in the History of Economic Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12422-9_5
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