Hannah Arendt, Liberalism, and Freedom from Politics

Hiruta, Kei

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-11695-8_2

Kei Hiruta³

Part of the book series: Philosophers in Depth ((PID))

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2 Citations

Abstract

Arendt presents her defense of political freedom as a challenge to the liberal convention, which allegedly conceptualizes freedom as “freedom from politics.” But her comments on liberal theories of freedom are scattered and unsystematic, and they raise a series of questions. Is her understanding of liberal freedom accurate? If it is not, why does she misconstrue liberal freedom as she does? And does her limited understanding of liberalism undermine her defense of political freedom? This chapter aims to answer these questions. The first half clarifies Arendt’s (mis-)understanding of liberal freedom. The latter half critically evaluates her challenge to liberal freedom and considers what is alive in it over a half-century later.

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Notes

1.
Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political Thought (London: Penguin Classics, 2006), 148.
2.
Ibid., 145, 149.
3.
Ibid., 145, 154.
4.
E.g., Hannah Arendt, Crises of the Republic (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1972), 127, 129; Essays in Understanding, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Schocken Books, 1994), 282–83; On Revolution (London: Penguin Classics, 2006), 131; and Men inDark Times (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1968), 101.
5.
Arendt, On Revolution, 19, 267.
6.
Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, “Are Freedom and Liberty Twins?” Political Theory 16, no. 4 (1988): 524.
7.
Ibid.
8.
Arendt, On Revolution, 267, emphasis added.
9.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 153, 161.
10.
Ibid., 144.
11.
Hannah Arendt, The Promise of Politics, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Schocken Books, 2005), 117.
12.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 164.
13.
Arendt, The Promise of Politics, 163, 173.
14.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 146, emphasis added.
15.
Hannah Arendt, The Life ofthe Mind, vol. 2 (London: Secker & Warburg, 1978), 80.
16.
Ibid., 63–73.
17.
Ibid., 65.
18.
Arendt, The Promise of Politics, 138, emphasis added.
19.
Ibid., 139–41.
20.
The locus classicus of Arendt’s discussion of pearl diving as a method is Arendt, “Walter Benjamin 1892–1940,” in her Men inDark Times, esp. 193–206.
21.
Joan Cocks, On Sovereignty and Other Political Delusions (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), 2.
22.
Arendt’s sovereign freedom thus encompasses both negative liberty as non-interferenceand positive liberty as self-mastery in Berlin’s sense. See Isaiah Berlin, Liberty, ed. Henry Hardy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), esp. 166–217. For further discussions about sovereign freedom see Cocks, On Sovereignty and Other Political Delusions; and Sharon R. Krause, Freedom Beyond Sovereignty: Reconstructing Liberal Individualism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015).
23.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 148.
24.
Hannah Arendt, The Originsof Totalitarianism, 3rd ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973), 439–40.
25.
Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 282.
26.
Arendt, “On Hannah Arendt,” in Hannah Arendt: The Recovery of the Public World, ed. Melvyn A. Hill (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979), 336.
27.
Especially in Arendt, On Revolution, passim.
28.
Ibid., 22.
29.
See also Kei Hiruta, “Isaiah Berlin,” in The Bloomsbury Companion to Hannah Arendt, ed. Peter Gratton and Yasemin Sari (London: Bloomsbury, forthcoming).
30.
Anthony Quinton, ed., Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967). Arendt’s copy is preserved in the Hannah Arendt Collection at the Stevenson Library, Bard College. Thanks are due to Roger Berkowitz and Helene Tieger for letting me examine the copy.
31.
Hannah Arendt, “Freiheit und Politik. Ein Vortrag,” Die neue Rundschau 69, no. 4 (1958): 670–94. The first English version was published as “Freedom and Politics: A Lecture,” Chicago Review 14, no. 1 (1960): 28–46.
32.
See Isaiah Berlin, Enlightening: Letters 1946–1960, ed. Henry Hardy and Jennifer Holmes (London: Chatto & Windus, 2009), 642–43.
33.
In his otherwise excellent essay, Dubnov is in error in characterizing Arendt’s “What Is Freedom?” as “responding a couple of years later” to Berlin’s “Two Concept.” Arie M. Dubnov, “Can Parallels Meet? Hannah Arendt and Isaiah Berlin on the Jewish Post-Emancipatory Quest for Political Freedom,” Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 62, no. 1 (2017): 43.
34.
Isaiah Berlin, Two Concepts of Liberty: An Inaugural Lecture Delivered Before the University of Oxford on 31 October 1958 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958). A revised version was published over a decade later in Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty (London: Oxford University Press, 1969). For a detailed account of the making of Berlin’s seminal essay see “‘Two Concepts of Liberty’: Early Texts,” in Isaiah Berlin, Freedom and Its Betrayal: Six Enemies of Human Liberty, 2nd ed., ed. Henry Hardy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014), 169–268.
35.
As I discussed earlier, Arendt uses the term “negative” liberties as a synonym for “rights and liberties.” But her use of the term is not Berlinian. Rather, it follows Sir William Blackstone, according to whom “negative statutes” encoded in Magna Carta restrain “abuses, perversions, or delays of justice, especially by the prerogative.” In other words, the statutes “negate” the arbitrary exercise of power over freemen. It is precisely in this sense that Arendt characterizes rights and liberties as “negative.” William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Book 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1765), 137–38.
36.
Gerald C. MacCallum, Jr., “Negative and Positive Freedom,” Philosophical Review 76, no. 3 (1967): 312–34.
37.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 154.
38.
Hannah Arendt, TheHuman Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 36.
39.
Arendt’s view of liberalism, however, is less uncharitable than full-fledged anti-liberals’. See Stephen Holmes, The Anatomy of Antiliberalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993).
40.
Arendt, Origins, 143.
41.
Leo Strauss, The Political Philosophy of Hobbes: Its Basis and Its Genesis, trans. Elsa M. Sinclair (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952).
42.
Liisi Keedus, “Liberalism and the Question of the ‘Proud’: Hannah Arendt and Leo Strauss as Readers of Hobbes,” Journal of the History of Ideas 73, no. 2 (2012): 333–34.
43.
Arendt’s debt to Blücher is notoriously difficult to discern, but for an insightful study see Shmuel Lederman, “Arendt and Blücher: Reflections on Philosophy, Politics, and Democracy,” Arendt Studies 1 (2017): 87–110.
44.
See Arendt, TheHuman Condition, 43–44; and Origins, 126, 145–46, 336.
45.
Because Hobbes did not subscribe to the fiction of the invisible hand, Arendt gives him due credit. “Hobbes,” according to her, “was the true […] philosopher of the bourgeoisie,” and his logic displayed “unequaled magnificence” (Arendt,Origins, 139, 146).
46.
See Christian J. Emden, “Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt, and the Limits of Liberalism,” Telos 142 (2008), 110–34; and Andreas Kalyvas, Democracy and the Politics of the Extraordinary: Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), esp. 187–291.
47.
See Jeremy Waldron, “Arendt’s Constitutional Politics,” in The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt, ed. Dana Villa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 201–19.
48.
Kei Hiruta, “An ‘Anti-utopian Age?’ Isaiah Berlin’s England, Hannah Arendt’s America, and Utopian Thinking in Dark Times,” Journal of Political Ideologies 22, no. 1 (2017): 20.
49.
Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 282.
50.
Dana Villa, Politics, Philosophy, Terror: Essays on the Thought of Hannah Arendt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 199.
51.
Thomas Hill Green, Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation (London: Longmans, Green, 1895), 9.
52.
Maria Dimova-Cookson, “A New Scheme of Positive and Negative Freedom: Reconstructing T. H. Green on Freedom,” Political Theory 31, no. 4 (2003): 513.
53.
Green, Lectures, 7.
54.
John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, Utilitarianism, and Other Essays, ed. Mark Philip and Frederick Rosen (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 15.
55.
Katrin Flikschuh, Freedom: Contemporary Liberal Perspectives (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007).
56.
For the fluidity of ideological boundaries, see Michael Freeden, Ideologies and Political Theory: A Conceptual Approach (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). For liberalism and republicanism in particular, see Andreas Kalyvas and Ira Katznelson, Liberal Beginnings: Making a Republic for the Moderns (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
57.
Arendt, “On Hannah Arendt,” 334.
58.
Lisa Hill, “Adam Ferguson and the Paradox of Progress and Decline,” History of Political Thought 18, no. 4 (1997): 677–706.
59.
Adam Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society, ed. Fania Oz-Salzberger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 57.
60.
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 482.
61.
Dana Villa, PublicFreedom (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), 325.
62.
Martin Heidegger, Being and Time, trans. Joan Stambaugh (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2010), 1–40.
63.
Frank Trentmann, Empire of Things: How We Became a World of Consumers, from the Fifteenth Century to the Twenty-First (New York: Harper, 2016), 667.
64.
See Emden, “Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt, and the Limits of Liberalism,” 133.
65.
Villa, PublicFreedom, 45.
66.
Ibid., 46.
67.
Bonnie Honig, Public Things: Democracy in Disrepair (New York: Fordham University Press, 2017), 4.
68.
Avishai Margalit, The Decent Society, trans. Naomi Goldblum (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996).
69.
Lucy Westcott, “Thousands of Lawyers Descend on U.S. Airports to Fight Trump’s Immigrant Ban,” Newsweek, 29 January 2017, www.newsweek.com/lawyers-volunteer-us-airports-trump-ban-549830.
70.
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 1971), 363–91. For an excellent discussion of Rawls’s theory of civil disobedience and its difference from Arendt’s theory, see William Smith and Shiyu Zhang, “Resisting Injustice: Arendt on Civil Disobedience and the Social Contract,” in this volume.
71.
The Economist, “Obituary: Heather Heyer Died on August 12th,” 19 August 2017, https://www.economist.com/news/obituary/21726701-legal-assistant-killed-far-right-rally-charlottesville-was-32-obituary-heather.
72.
The Ellen Show, “Ellen Chats with Charlottesville Protestor Heather Heyer’s Incredible Mom,” 26 September 2017 at YouTube, Video, 6:04, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1gPIc2SeIvk.
73.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 155.
74.
Arendt, Essays in Understanding, 2.
75.
Arendt,Origins, 315.
76.
The German electorates’ support for the Nazis, however, should not be exaggerated. Even at the July 31, 1932 election, the best electoral performance by the Nazis at the federal level, nearly two-thirds of the voters cast their votes against the Nazi Party. Eric D. Weitz, Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013), 356.
77.
Arendt,Origins, 338.
78.
Margaret Canovan, “Arendt’s Theory of Totalitarianism,” in The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt, ed. Dana Villa, 26.
79.
Arendt, Between Past and Future, 166. For further discussion, see Kei Hiruta, “The Meaning and Value of Freedom: Berlin contra Arendt,” The European Legacy 19, no. 7 (2014): 854–68.
80.
For further discussion, see Jennifer Gaffney, “Another Origin of Totalitarianism: Arendt on the Loneliness of Liberal Citizens,” Journal of the British Society for Phenomenology 47, no. 1 (2016): 1–17.
81.
Arendt,Origins, 389.
82.
Some of the religiously inspired fundamentalisms today may not conform to this pattern. Fortunately, however, their expansionist ambitions have not been fulfilled so far.
83.
Mao’s China, however, is a complicated case. See Peter Baehr, “China the Anomaly: Hannah Arendt, Totalitarianism, and the Maoist Regime,” European Journal of Political Theory 9, no. 3 (2010): 267–86.
84.
One may derive this realist view from Arendt’s 1956–1957 fragments posthumously published as “Introduction into Politics,” in The Promise of Politics, 93–200.
85.
Arendt,Origins, 91.
86.
Human Rights Watch offers a chilling country-by-country overview of extrajudicial executions. See https://www.hrw.org. For EU member states’ complicity see Amnesty International, “Libya’s Dark Web of Collusion: Abuses Against Europe-Bound Refugees and Migrants,” 11 December 2017, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde19/7561/2017/en/. See also Patrick Hayden and Natasha Saunders, “Solidarity at the Margins: Arendt, Refugees, and the Inclusive Politics of World-Making,” in this volume.
87.
Arendt,Origins, 478.
88.
Charles W. Mills, Black Rights/White Wrongs: The Critique of Racial Liberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 12.
89.
Thanks are due to James Barry, Michelle-Irène Brudny, Gil Delannoi and Abigail Green for conversation and feedback, as well as to the conference participants at SciencesPo and the Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Jewish Studies, where I presented parts of this essay. I am grateful to the John Fell Oxford University Press (OUP) Research Fund for supporting my visiting research in the Hannah Arendt Center for Politics and Humanities at Bard College.

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Hiruta, K. (2019). Hannah Arendt, Liberalism, and Freedom from Politics. In: Hiruta, K. (eds) Arendt on Freedom, Liberation, and Revolution. Philosophers in Depth. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11695-8_2

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