Abstract
The spectacular growth of urban areas and the rise of large scale urban systems are prominent features of the contemporary spatial distribution of population. A century ago few individual countries were majority urban; in the past decade the world’s population crossed that threshold and is trending toward even higher levels of urbanization. This chapter reviews the macro-level features of urban systems and the micro-level spatial patterns of land use and residential distributions within urban areas. It addresses macro-level questions such as: Why do cities exist?, Why are cities located where they are found?, Why do cities vary in size and direction and magnitude of growth?, Why are cities embedded in hierarchically organized systems? It also addresses micro-level questions such as: How does land use vary spatially within urban areas and why? and What are the patterns and determinants of differential residential distribution and segregation of social groups in urban space?
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Notes
- 1.
As in theoretical models of biological ecology, the notion of functional relationship in urban ecology does not imply mutual and symmetric benefit. Thus the elements that comprise an ongoing, functionally integrated empirical system do not necessarily all benefit equally or influence each other symmetrically. Stable biological ecosystems include a wide range of relationships such as predator-prey relations and parasitism as well as direct and indirect mutual benefit.
- 2.
Smith (1995) notes that the distinction between ecological perspectives and critical and political economic perspectives in this area is not great. The difference often boils down to the fact that ecological theory, reflecting its intellectual roots in bio-ecology, uses relatively neutral terms such as dominant and subdominant when describing actors with varying degrees of influence and power.
- 3.
Frisbie and Kasarda (1988) cite the work of Colin Clark (1951) who found that an exponential equation of the form dx = d0ebx, where dx is density at distance “x”, d0 is the central density, e is base of the natural logarithms and b is the rate at which density changes with distance, provides a good fit in most applications and that b is estimated as negative in a wide range of historical and cultural settings.
- 4.
For example, the first author of this chapter conducted an analysis of spatial population distribution for the quintessential sprawling metropolis of Houston, presumably a prototype of the new urban form, and found that the simple negative exponential relationship between distance and population density accounts for more than half of the areal variation in population density.
- 5.
Glaeser and Kahn (2004) report that in 2000 median total trip time nationwide was 24 min by car and 47 min by public transport. Much of total trip time for public transport involves getting to and from access points and waiting.
- 6.
These declining costs reflect multiple, technical changes and changes in business practices: improvements in transportation technology, reduction in the size and weight of goods, changes in the mix of goods; improvements in efficiency of shipping based on such evolving business practices, as just-in-time distribution, and the electronic monitoring of goods in transit.
- 7.
Importantly, this ladder of immigrants notion of spatial assimilation process is short-circuited if the arrival of new low-status groups ceases as was the situation after the Great Migration brought African Americans to Northern and Midwestern urban areas in large numbers in the 1910–1930 time period.
- 8.
For example, if high-status groups consistently prefer central locations in the city, for whatever reason, the city will remain as segregated as before but the form will change to an inverted zonal pattern.
- 9.
Recent decades have seen significant settlements of Hispanic immigrants in the so-called new destination areas, especially in medium- and smaller-size urban areas in the Midwest and South (Lichter and Johnson 2006, 2009). Researchers are now beginning to test the implications of urban-ecological theory for segregation and spatial assimilation in these communities (Fischer and Tienda 2006; Lichter et al. 2010; Hall 2013; Hall and Springfield 2014).
- 10.
Findings to the contrary are sometimes reported in studies that examine aggregate-level segregation index scores calculated for white and black households at the same income level. These results are substantially less trustworthy than results from location-attainment analyses because the index scores examined are subject to upward bias and instability for two reasons. First, the N’s for the same-income comparisons are much smaller than those used in overall group comparisons. This promotes an upward bias in index scores (Winship 1977; Fossett 2017). Second, the population counts used to compute the index scores by income level are based on sample data, and the samples are getting smaller over time, for instance, changing from 1 in 6 in the 2000 decennial census to 1 in 20 in the American Community Survey after 2000. This tends to promote an instability in scores and further increases upward bias in scores especially after 2000 (Napierala and Denton 2017; Logan et al. 2018).
- 11.
Ironically, critics of classical ecology faulted it for placing too much emphasis on competition prompting Hawley (1950) to stress that ecological theory gave attention to symbiosis as well as to competition.
- 12.
Funding support for creating the files comes from Ancestry.com, a firm specializing in geneology research support services. Consequently, access to low-level geography and certain other information is restricted to protect the company’s business interests. Academic researchers can contact IPUMS to apply for access to restricted 1940 data.
- 13.
It also is less asymmetric. That is, it is conventional to assume that the most important constraints on housing choice are asymmetric; minority options are constrained, majority options are not. Whether local community reception will make households will feel safe, accepted, and welcome in a given neighborhood is less asymmetric.
- 14.
Unfortunately, while this phrase is too clever to be our invention, we cannot identify the exact origin. It is a concise paraphrase of related statements such as the following “We interpret the question, ‘can you explain it’ as asking ‘can you grow it?’” (Epstein and Axtell 1996: 177) and “if you didn’t grow it, you didn’t explain it” (Epstein 2006: 51).
- 15.
For example, discursive theory often draws strong distinctions between preferences based on positive affinity for same-group presence and negative aversion to out-group presence. In computational models these will produce identical residential choices and cannot be assessed independently in simple representations.
- 16.
To the contrary, in urban economics and the subfield of economic geography traditional economic and ecological perspectives seem to be enjoying a renaissance of sorts.
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Fossett, M., Crowell, A.R. (2019). 21 Urban and Spatial Demography. In: Poston, D.L. (eds) Handbook of Population. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10910-3_22
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