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Tragedy of Confusion

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Part of the book series: Political Economy of Islam ((PEoI))

Abstract

Our voyage of discovery for understanding the complexity, specificity, and singularity of Iranian experience of development starts with the fundamental question of “What constitutes Iranianness (in the same vein as Turkishness, Britishness, etc.)?”, as the question of “Why are we backward?” logically tends to lead to the question of “Who and what are this ‘we’ as Iranians?” (see Akerlof and Kranton 2010). With regard to the notion of Iranianness and its constitution, Frye (1977: 1–3) observes that:

Of all of the lands of the Middle East, Iran is perhaps both the most conservative and at the same time the most innovative. Whereas Egypt and Syria, for example, underwent great changes in the course of two millennia of history, Iran seems to have preserved much more of its ancient heritage. … Iran was converted to the religion of Islam, but … [t]he continuity of ancient Iranian traditions down to the present is impressive… Paradoxically … Herodotus … said that no people were more prone to accept foreign habits as the Persians. Anyone who has walked the streets of new Tehran can see all kinds of styles of architecture and the latest women’s dress styles.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Fang and Loury (2005) remind us that “Dysfunctional Identities Can Be Rational”. As such, the state of identitylessness is the logical implication of immersion in the state of belated inbetweenness.

  2. 2.

    See Mokyr (2016) for the notion of market for ideas and Witham (2010) for the notion of market for Gods.

  3. 3.

    As manifested in the conception of development as structural change based on the shift from tradition to modernity or in the share of three sectors of the economy, like Chenery’s and other version of the transition theories from big push to take off, to bottleneck and the rest (Lancaster and van de Walle 2018).

  4. 4.

    As manifested in all oppositional genres of literatures in the form of antagonism between ‘modern and pre-modern’ or ‘centre versus margin’, or ‘free versus despotic’ or ‘oppressive versus progressive’ in liberal and neo-conservative theories or theories of post-colonialism and cultural studies alongside orientalism and subaltern literature like Spivak and Said and anti-development literature.

  5. 5.

    See Rajaee 2006, on the double function of modernity as the dominant civilization and as a contesting culture in the melting pot of rival cultures.

  6. 6.

    It is worth emphasizing that in the state of belated inbetweenness every regime of truth is inevitably instrumentalized to achieve fast and furious social transformation due to the traumatic dominance of “now” imagination (like the Shah’s instrumentalization of socialism and Islam). As such, the analyses like Platteau’s (2011, 2017) talking about instrumentalization of Islam as a hindrance to achieving democracy or development need to be incorporated within a wider framework of belated inbetweenness. The whole of the literature exploring the relation between culture or religion and development (Platteau and Peccoud 2011; Kuran 2011, 2018) may need to be placed within this wider theoretical framework.

  7. 7.

    The reason this revolutionary movement, which could serve as the Iranian version of Protestantism, failed or is perceived to have failed has less to do with its content and form and more to do with the lack of consensus on its content and form. Any project of transformation from the liberal Constitutional Revolution or the ONM to the developmentalist of Amir Kabir, Rafsanjani, or the Pahlavi shahs to the emancipatory Islamic one could have succeeded if it had been based on an emergent consensus, which in the state of belated inbetweenness is almost impossible. The emergence of what Foucault saw as the age of terror and religious despotism in the post-revolutionary period in Iran, where “hands being chopped off today, after having been against the tortures of the SAVAK yesterday” (Raffnsøe et al. 2016: 442, footnote, 47), is the effect of irreconcilable differences inherent to the state of belated inbetweenness. In the state of belated inbetweenness, every single project of reverse social engineering of any colour or persuasion fails or becomes dysfunctional.

  8. 8.

    Following the pioneering works of Gary Becker, Witham (2010) applies the same logic to the notions of markets to other realms of life, for instance, in the analysis of market for gods; see also Benabou and Tirole (2016) on the notion of market for beliefs, and Iannaccone (2006) for the notion of market for martyrs.

  9. 9.

    This comes in sharp contrast with theories of decline, declinism, and theories of missing links and bottleneck, the analysis of which is beyond the space available in this work.

  10. 10.

    Here he reduces difference to the logic of the same following Hafez, saying that these 72 voices are there because they failed to see the truth and fell prey to the path of the myth; ironically Hafez fails to see myth and illusion (afsaneh va afsoon) as constitutive of truth (see Gabriel and Zizek 2009; Baudrillard 1998), as we briefly addressed in the methodological section of this work.

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Gohardani, F., Tizro, Z. (2019). Tragedy of Confusion. In: The Political Economy of Iran. Political Economy of Islam. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10638-6_4

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