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Part of the book series: Comparative Territorial Politics ((COMPTPOL))

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Abstract

This chapter shows the way in which Catalan political actors articulate the dispute about the use of languages in the education system drawing on primary data based on interviews and document analysis. The chapter also examines the ‘conjunction model’ in education, the most recent linguistic controversies, and the progressive mobilisation against the system. The findings draw attention to the importance of nationalism as a means of understanding the Catalan dispute. The author shows how political actors defending the Catalan system conceptualise in different ways and degrees Catalonia as their national community of reference, and the Catalan language as the language of the nation. This national dimension is intertwined with instrumental considerations about the efficacy of the system in teaching both Catalan and Spanish and in facilitating social cohesion. The author further shows that political actors opposing the system contrast their liberal defence of legality with Catalan nationalism, but in doing so they disregard the national elements embedded in the constitutional principles they defend.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As explained in the previous chapter, in a linguistic immersion system students are educated in a language different than their usual language . However, there are obviously many schools in Catalonia where the language of instruction is Catalan and the majority of students are Catalan-speakers . Therefore, the term ‘immersion ’ does not apply to them. To refer to the use of Catalan as the vehicular language in the whole of the education system, the most appropriate term is conjunction model .

  2. 2.

    ‘Living together’ is a translation of the concept convivència, whose meaning relates to peaceful coexistence.

  3. 3.

    Repeated efforts to mobilise the working-class Castilian -speaking population of Catalonia against Catalan language policy have not—or not yet—won much overt public support, but the potential remains for a politically exacerbated cleavage to open.

  4. 4.

    Indeed, Catalan society is properly bilingual: 99.7% of the population understand Castilian while 94.3% understands Catalan ; 97.4% can read Castilian while 82.4% can read Catalan ; and 99.7% can speak Castilian while 80.4% can speak Catalan (Idescat 2017). However, extension of its use is more limited. Only about 43% report that they use Catalan habitually, either alone or alongside Castilian .

  5. 5.

    This is different from Branchadell’s previous work on the issue, based on document analysis (1997). The three main arguments that he found against the establishment of Catalan as the language of instrument were the following: the violation of the right to be taught in one’s mother tongue; the harmful consequences of the policy for students and their learning of Spanish; and the alleged assimilationist goal of the system, seeking to turn Catalonia into a monolingual society.

References

Index of Interviews

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  • Casals, M. Former President of Òmnium Cultural. 30/04/2014.

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  • Casals, T. Teacher and Spokesperson of Somescola. 18/12/2014.

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Index of Documents

Political Documents in Catalonia

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Correspondence to Daniel Cetrà .

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Cetrà, D. (2019). The Catalan Linguistic Dispute. In: Nationalism, Liberalism and Language in Catalonia and Flanders. Comparative Territorial Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-08274-1_5

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