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From War to War: Ch’anggyŏng Garden and Postcolonial Militarism in Early (South) Korea

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Korean Memories and Psycho-Historical Fragmentation

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Abstract

This chapter uses Ch’anggyŏng Garden, a Chosŏn Dynasty palace transformed into an amusement park under Japanese rule (1910–45), to trace the violent process of (South) Korea’s decolonization after liberation. It argues that the garden’s colonial afterlives resulted from contentious interactions between the state-building projects of bourgeois elites and the everyday practices of subaltern citizens. For his part, Syngman Rhee sought to identify the garden as a Japanese vestige, but he faced popular opposition by citizens who favored its reuse as recreational grounds. As a result of these contentious interactions, postcolonial leaders learned to creatively exploit this powerful, if unruly, site for their own purposes. To highlight these contestations, I analyze public spectacles aimed at channeling the energies of the masses in directions that would promote nation-building projects. Echoing memorial services heled during the late colonial period, these events sought to heroicize individuals who died on behalf of their new state, encouraging future generations of South Koreans to support ever-expanding military confrontations in Asia. If these ceremonies sought to promote anti-communist militarism, related expositions persuaded visitors to support state-led projects of capitalist development. Both exploitative, these interrelated projects benefited citizen-subjects in markedly uneven ways, as officials subjected them to their neocolonial agendas of "Hot War" development.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On postcolonial monuments of this figure, see Yun Sŏnja (2009). For more on the statuary practices of patriotism during the Park Chung Hee era, see Chŏng Hogi (2008). On the postcolonial history of Namsan’s Shintō shrines, see Henry (2014: 205–10).

  2. 2.

    On the changing meanings of this site, see Kim (2010: 75–95).

  3. 3.

    On the role that these two events played in promoting what I call “material assimilation,” see Henry (2014: 92–129). See also Kal (2005).

  4. 4.

    For a brief chronology of this palace site during the Chosŏn Dynasty, see Ch’oe Pyŏngsŏn (2007: 98–9). For a more detailed history, see Han’guk (1993: 56–69).

  5. 5.

    On the political culture of cherry blossoms and their connections to the Japanese Empire, see Ohnuki-Tierney (2002); and Takagi Hiroshi (1999).

  6. 6.

    For more on the history of the zoo and the garden’s other public facilities, see, Han’guk (1993: 70–169). On the 1940 celebrations, see Ruoff (2011) and Henry (2014: 170–81).

  7. 7.

    On the relationship between Ueno Park and Ch’anggyŏng Garden, see U Tongsŏn (2009).

  8. 8.

    Han’guk (1993: 175–6).

  9. 9.

    For a discussion of the lions, bears, leopards, and other wild beasts killed in Seoul, see “Chaegaedoen Ch’anggyŏngwŏn,” Tonga ilbo, January 26, 1946; and “Uri chikchang ŭi charang: Ch’anggyŏngwŏn p’yŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, February 4, 1947.

  10. 10.

    For these stories, see Kratsoka (2005).

  11. 11.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn i segye il ŭi yuwŏnji ro,” Tonga ilbo, March 3, 1946. On President Yi’s gift of two deer, see “Yi paksa t’aek noru Ch’anggyŏngwŏn e,” Tonga ilbo, June 8, 1948; and “Kungmin changnae ŭi kilcho,” Chayu sinmun, August 11, 1948. On the symbolic donation of a rare bear captured in a Mount Chiri cave during the anti-communist roundups of 1949, see “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn e ch’ulgahan Chirisan ŭi p’oro kom,” Tonga ilbo, April 12, 1950.

  12. 12.

    “Piwŏn do iyong kyojaewŏn sinsŏl,” Chayu sinmun, April 19, 1946; and “Sidallin simin wiro k’oja,” Chayu sinmun, February 27, 1947.

  13. 13.

    For more on the fate of zoo animals during the Korean War, see Han’guk (1993: 207–10). In 1950, there were only 20 poorly fed animals in the zoo and approximately half of the botanical garden’s flora had already died due to fuel shortages. As a result, yearly attendance rates hovered at around only 2,000. “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn e wigi kyŏngbi wa saryonan ŭro,” Tonga ilbo, January 18, 1950; and “Meryŏk ŏmnŭn kogung!,” Chayu sinmun, March 21, 1950.

  14. 14.

    “Chŏllak hanŭn kogung,” Chayu sinmun, April 18, 1947; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŭi hŭnghaeng ilch’e kŭmji,” Chayu sinmun, April 19, 1947; and “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn hŭnghaeng,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 20, 1947.

  15. 15.

    “Kongbo ch’ŏjangdam,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 21, 1949.

  16. 16.

    “Mun tadŭn simin kongwŏn, Ch’anggyŏngwŏn konggae chungji,” Chosŏn ilbo, May 15, 1950; and “Pohohagi wihae p’yesoe,” Chosŏn ilbo, May 20, 1950.

  17. 17.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŭn ŏjji toena?,” Chosŏn ilbo, June 12, 1950.

  18. 18.

    Although my discussion of the post-Liberation period does not include sexual servitude, scholars of the “Comfort Women” system have discovered ongoing forms of subordination toward lower-class Korean women, ones that clearly connect the Asia-Pacific War to the Korean War. On the sexualized underside of the country’s postcolonial modernization, see Lee (2010).

  19. 19.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn pom maji kkot nori chugan,” Chayu sinmun, April 6, 1946. For future references to “(total) mobilization” ([ch’ong] tongwŏn) in connection to the garden, see “Myŏngch’ang, yeindŭl ch’ongdongwŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, March 29, 1947; and “Kkot p’inun Ch’anggyŏngwŏn esŏ,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 13, 1949. “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn kkot nori e 600 myŏng yesurin tongwŏn,” Chayu sinmun, April 18, 1946; and “Haebang kkot nori,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 19, 1946.

  20. 20.

    For early references to this event, see “Myŏngch’ang, yeindŭl ch’ongdongwŏn” and “Chŏnguk nong’ak kyŏngyŏn taehoe,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, May 23, 1947.

  21. 21.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn kkot nori, chak’il 7 man i ipchang,” Chayu sinmun, April 22, 1946; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ipchangja iryoil e 10 manmyŏng,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 28, 1947; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn kugyŏng kkun haru e 10 manmyŏng,” Tonga ilbo, April 20, 1948; “Kkot e chwihan Sŏul sinmin,” Tonga ilbo, April 17, 1950; “Kkot kwa iryoil kwa inp’a,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 29, 1957; and “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn chŭlgŏn pimyŏng inp’a 10 man nŏmŭldŭt,” Tonga ilbo, April 24, 1961.

  22. 22.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŭi yagan kwanhwahoe,” Tonga ilbo, April 20, 1946. Children’s Day (originally celebrated in 1922 on May 1, Labor Day) gained attention from Korean students and religious leaders of the March 1st movement, but colonial officials suppressed it until 1939. Although enthusiasm for Children’s Day quickly reemerged and was celebrated from 1946, it did not become an official holiday in South Korea until 1961. Since 1950, North Koreans have celebrated this holiday on June 2, which coincides with International Children’s Day. On the importance of youngsters in modern Korean culture, see Zur (2017).

  23. 23.

    “Popkŏ ŭi chejŏn,” Tonga ilbo, April 18, 1946.

  24. 24.

    “Haebang kinyŏm,” Tonga ilbo, August 14, 1946; “Pŏkkot nori suip kaktanch’e e kibu,” Chayu sinmun, August 20, 1946; and “Kkot nori,” Tonga ilbo, April 24, 1947. For more on garden events catering to orphans, see “Karyŏnhan ŏrini e chŭlgŏun pom chanch’i,” Tonga ilbo, April 30, 1947; “Koadŭl e wŏnyuhoe,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, May 4, 1948; “Koawŏn yuhoe, sangho 10 si Ch’anggyŏngwŏn,” Chosŏn ilbo, May 5, 1952; and “Koadŭl undonghoe, Ŏrini Nal Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 30, 1954.

  25. 25.

    “Chŏnjaemin wŏnho e kibuk’ae toen kyŏnggyŏn taehoe iikgŭm e yokki,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, December 19, 1946. For attempts to stint the former palace’s fall into an amusement park, see “Hŭnghaengjang ŭro chŏllak,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 8, 1947; “Chŏllak hanŭn kogung,” Chayu sinmun, April 18, 1947; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŭi hŭnghaeng ilchŏl kŭmji,” Chayu sinmun, April 19, 1947; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŭi hŭnghaeng kŭmhu pŭrhŏ pangch’im,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 19, 1947; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn hŭnghaeng,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 20, 1947; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŭl orakchang ŭro,” Tonga ilbo, May 15, 1947; “Si esŏ Ch’anggyŏngwŏn kwallikwŏn yogu,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, May 21, 1948; and “Kkot sijŏl ŭn purŭnda,” Tonga ilbo, April 18, 1949.

  26. 26.

    “Migun ch’oedae wŏnyuhoe,” Tonga ilbo, May 1, 1946. For other events catering to the US military, see “Tach’aehal Ŏrini Nal,” Tonga ilbo, April 15, 1946; “Migukgun ŭl wiro haja,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 16, 1946; and “Sugo mani hessŏ, Migun wianhoe,” Chosŏn ilbo, May 13, 1946.

  27. 27.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ch’usŏk nori,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, September 27, 1947. See also “Chomi ch’insŏn yesulche,” Tonga ilbo, May 9, 1947; and “Aeguk chisa wianhoe 17, 18, 19 ilgan,” Tonga ilbo, September 20, 1947.

  28. 28.

    Takahashi (2006).

  29. 29.

    When this shrine was unveiled in late November of 1943, officials had already installed 7,477 souls, including those of 549 newly recruited Korean soldiers (Henry 2014: 186). For more on the Seoul Nation-Protecting Shrine and its postcolonial fate, see An Chongch’ŏl (2011).

  30. 30.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ aeguk chisa wian taehoe,” Kyŏnghayng sinmun, September 23, 1947; and “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ aeguk chisa wianhoe,” Tonga ilbo, September 20, 1947.

  31. 31.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ aeguk chisa wianhoe,” Tonga ilbo, September 20, 1947; and “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ aeguk chisa wian taehoe,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, September 23, 1947.

  32. 32.

    “Sunjik kyŏngch’algwan wiryŏngje chaesik sanghwang,” Minju kyŏngch’al 4 (September 1947), 115. I thank Dr. Yi Yujŏng of the Korean National Police University for providing me access to Minju kyŏngch’al.

  33. 33.

    “Sunjik kyŏnggwan wiryŏngje,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, October 3, 1947; and “Sunjik kyŏngch’algwan wiryŏngje chaesik sanghwang,” Minju kyŏngch’al 4 (September 1947), 115. On the colonial origins of the national police and its relationship to an emergent defense force in early South(ern) Korea, see Cumings (1981: 160–78).

  34. 34.

    “Sunjik kyŏngch’algwan wiryŏngje chaesik sanghwang,” Minju kyŏngch’al 4 (September 1947), 115.

  35. 35.

    Kim (2004). On the racialized dimensions of wartime mobilizations across the Pacific, see Fujitani (2011).

  36. 36.

    “Yujok ŭi aekkŭnnŭn t’onggok sori,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 29, 1949.

  37. 37.

    Kim (2009: 155). For more on these uprisings, see An Chongch’ŏl (1998).

  38. 38.

    On the political consequences of contested representations surrounding this massacre, see Kim (2000).

  39. 39.

    “Sunjik kyŏnggwan wiryŏngje,” Tonga ilbo, April 19, 1950.

  40. 40.

    “Chop’osŏng do ŏmsuk’i sunjik kyŏnggwan wiryŏngje haptongje chiphaeng,” Tonga ilbo, April 26, 1950.

  41. 41.

    Ch’anggyŏng Garden was not the only public space used for such purposes. Even after the establishment of a military cemetery in 1955, important politicians, including President Rhee, used the Kwanghwa Gate Plaza, located in front of Kyŏngbok Palace, to memorialize 170,000 souls who, through their patriotic deaths from the signing of the first protectorate treaty in 1905, made possible their country’s Liberation in 1945. “Kwangbok sŏnyŏl haptong ch’udo,” Chosŏn ilbo, October 24, 1958; and “Sŏnyŏl ŭi myŏngmok kiwŏn,” Chosŏn ilbo, November 16, 1958. Other ceremonies were held at colonial theaters, including the newly renamed sigong’gwan. For one example, see “Che 2 hoe mobŏm kungyŏng wian taehoe,” Minju kyŏngch’al 90 (November 1958), 118–23.

  42. 42.

    On wartime destruction and plans for rebuilding, see, for example, “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn e hwajae,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, January 1, 1952; “Pokkwi Sŏul sosik (1): Ch’anggyŏngwŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 10, 1953; “Yŏrŭm kkaji en puhwal,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 4, 1954; and “Sijip on ‘horangi,’ yenmosŭp ch’anŭn tongmurwŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, March 3, 1955.

  43. 43.

    Even as his country was at war with North Korea, the popular custom of springtime flower viewing, although temporarily discontinued in 1951, resurfaced the following year, drawing President Rhee and his wife, Francesca. “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn ŏje kaewŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 18, 1952.

  44. 44.

    “Mip’algun kunaktae sŏ simin wian yŏnjuhoe,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, August 9, 1953. For other entertainments aimed at returning soldiers, see “Kwihyang changbyŏng wian,” Tonga ilbo, September 18, 1953; and “Haegun kyohyang aktan 23-il Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ yŏnju,” Chosŏn ilbo, April 23, 1955. The US military solidified bilateral relations with South Korea through ongoing donations of animals to the garden’s popular zoo. On this phenomenon, see “T’aeillŏ changgun ‘kom’ Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ kijŭngsik,” Tonga ilbo, April 19, 1955.

  45. 45.

    See, for example, “Onŭl Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ hanmi haptong yŏnjuhoe,” Tonga ilbo, April 29, 1956; “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ simin wian gun’ak yŏnjuhoe,” Tonga ilbo, June 5, 1974; “Kunmin ch’insŏn kunak yŏnjuhoe,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, June 9, 1978; and “6.25 30-chunyŏn kinyŏm yukkun gunak yŏnjuhoe,” Tonga ilbo, June 14, 1980.

  46. 46.

    “Ŏje Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ wianhoe,” Tonga ilbo, October 26, 1953; “Sinmin wian ŭmakhoe, onŭl konggun aktae,” Tonga ilbo, April 18, 1954; “Ŏmŏni nal sinnok hyangyŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, May 9, 1955; “P’aril ŏmŏninal wianhoe tŭng kaech’oe,” Tonga ilbo, May 5, 1956; and “Hyŭnggŏun wian chanch’i,” Tonga ilbo, May 9, 1957.

  47. 47.

    Approximately 70 percent of voters backed Rhee in 1956 against his rival, Cho Pong’am. For more on the 1955 exposition, see Henry (2016: 18–25).

  48. 48.

    After the 1953 armistice, the garden was used each year to celebrate the release of young war prisoners from North Korea. See, for example, “Onŭl pan’gong ch’ŏngnyŏn sŏkbang,” Tonga ilbo, June 18, 1956.

  49. 49.

    “Ch’amgwanja 10 man tolp’a” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, October 30, 1956; “Pan’gong chŏllamhoe wŏlmal kkaji yŏn’gi,” Tonga ilbo, November 9, 1956; and “‘Pan’gong chŏllamhoe’ p’yaemak,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, December 12, 1956.

  50. 50.

    “Chŏnjaeng tobalja ga nugu nya,” Tonga ilbo, October 23, 1956. For one colonial precedent of the anti-communist exhibition, see Henry (2008).

  51. 51.

    “Yukkun pan’gong chŏllamhoe,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, October 24, 1956. For the exhibition layout, see “‘Pan’gong chŏllamhoe kaemak,” Tonga ilbo, October 27, 1956.

  52. 52.

    “Wŏlnam sŏ pan’gong chŏnsihoe,” Tonga ilbo, April 4, 1957; and “Kwallam 20 man tolp’a,” Tonga ilbo, May 1, 1957.

  53. 53.

    Lee (2010: 37–78).

  54. 54.

    “Changgyŏngwŏn sŏ pan’gong yŏnmaeng chuch’oe ro pan’gong chŏnsi kaemak,” Chosŏn ilbo, May 12, 1965; “Kongbi nohoekp’um tŭng chŏnsi,” Tonga ilbo, April 8, 1968; “Pan’gong chŏnsihoe 7 il put’ŏ Ch’anggyŏngwŏn sŏ,” Chosŏn ilbo, June 6, 1969; “Kogung kaŭl maja haengsa tach’ae,” October 2, 1970; “Sangch’un chaebi,” Maeil kyŏngje, March 14, 1971; and “Changgyŏngwŏn tŭng kogung hwaljjak,” Maeil kyŏngje, April 14, 1972. On the use of another public space in Seoul to promote anti-communism under Park, see An Ch’angmo (2005).

  55. 55.

    On the ill fate of the royal house after Liberation, see Kim (2010). For a documentary chronicling this history, see Yi Sanghyŏn (2006).

  56. 56.

    The restoration of Ch’anggyŏng Garden coincided with the Tenth Asian Games (1986) and, two years later, the Seoul Olympics (1988), both of which served as engines for global tourism. On the transformation of Seoul’s symbolism, see De Ceuster (2000).

  57. 57.

    On the development of the national cemetery, see Chŏng Hogi (2005: 209–44). For the establishment of the Children’s Grand Park and Seoul Grand Park, see Yi Hyemin (2010); and Im Hyŏnsŏk (2000). On the garden’s historic restoration, see Song Hŭiŭn (2007); and Ch’anggyŏnggung (1985).

  58. 58.

    After Park assumed power in 1961, the Royal Household Properties Agency (Kuwangsil chaesan samu ch’ongguk)—the forerunner of the Cultural Properties Administration (Munhwajae kwalliguk) and the Cultural Heritage Administration (Munhwajaech’ŏng)—launched a long-term restoration project, which began by repairing the former palace’s main gate, Honghwamun. “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn Honghwamun yenosŭp ŭro tanjang,” Tonga ilbo, June 24, 1961. During the early 1970s, this repair was followed by more extensive “purification construction” on (and higher admission prices to) the neighboring Secret Garden (Piwŏn) and Ch’angdŏk Palace to alter the consciousness of former royal palaces from raucous playgrounds dominated by the people to a state-controlled system of cultural properties. Later in the same decade, Park allocated 300 million wŏn for further repairs of Seoul’s five palace grounds. “Ch’angdŏkkung, Piwŏn, chŏnghwa kongsa wanggong,” Maeil kyŏngje, June 18, 1970; and “Sŏul-si Ch’anggyŏngwŏn tŭng kogung 3 ŏk tŭrŏ posu silsi,” Maeil kyŏngje, November 4, 1978.

  59. 59.

    See, for example, “Oeroun tosi,” Tonga ilbo, May 4, 1974.

  60. 60.

    “Mak nerinŭn 74 nyŏn,” Kyŏnghyang sinmum, October 10, 1983.

  61. 61.

    “Chŏngnyŏn t’oeim ap’dun Sŏul taekongwŏn pujang Kim Chŏng-man-ssi 37–nyŏn tongmurwŏn sarang hangil,” Han’gyŏre, September 16, 1995.

  62. 62.

    For a summary of the viewpoints on this controversy, see “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn pŏkkot namgyŏduna … ŏpsaena,” Tonga ilbo, April 21, 1986.

  63. 63.

    “Chŏhanggam nŭkkinŭn ‘pŏkkot’ nori,” Tonga ilbo, April 25, 1977; and “Ilche chanjae pŏkkot nori pŏryŏhal tte anin’ga,” Tonga ilbo, March 25, 1982. For details on the ongoing controversy over the origins of the King Cherry (wang pŏkkot), see “Cheju wa ilbon ŭl malhada,” Halla ilbo, March 23, 2015.

  64. 64.

    For early voices supporting this position, see “Ilche yumul pŏkkot nori mugunghwa ch’ukje ro taech’e rŭl,” Han’gyŏrye, March 26, 1989; “Pŏkkot kunhangje nŭn chalmot mugunghwa ro minjokhon ŭl,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 11, 1989; “Pŏkkot munhwa singmin munhwa,” Han’gyŏrye, April 22, 1989; and “Chinhae pŏkkot nori yugam,” Han’gyŏrye, April 13, 1990. Although provoking some controversy, the Japanese-built greenhouse, the largest of its kind in Asia at the time of its completion in 1909, remained on the restored palace grounds due to its Western features, but this modern structure of glass and steel was expected to only display indigenous flora.

  65. 65.

    Unless otherwise noted, the following discussion is based on “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn pŏnnamu pojon toeya,” Tonga ilbo, May 15, 1986.

  66. 66.

    The relocation of some cherry blossoms to the area around the National Assembly Building and other parts of Yŏido led to further protests promoting extirpation at these national sites. See, for example, “Ŭisadang chubyŏn pŏnnamu mugunghwa ro pakkwŏsŭmyŏn,” Tonga ilbo, April 15, 1992.

  67. 67.

    “Kyŏngbokkung changnyŏn kwallam kaeksu ch’oeda,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, March 21, 1993. Annual attendance rates plummeted from a high of more than two million before 1983 to less than 780,000 by 1992. Seoul’s most popular palace, Kyŏngbokkung, boasted nearly 1.3 million visitors per year, whereas its least popular royal monument, Ch’angdŏk Palace, only managed to attract 327,000 people.

  68. 68.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn i yŏyu, ‘pŏkkot’ poda chot’a,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 24, 1999.

  69. 69.

    “Ch’anggyŏngwŏn i yŏyu, ‘pŏkkot’ poda chot’a,” Kyŏnghyang sinmun, April 24, 1999.

  70. 70.

    See, for example “Uri salm ŭn munhwajae anin’ga,” Chosŏn ilbo, September 22, 2013. On the postcoloniality of cultural property management, see Pai (2001).

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  1. University of California, San Diego, San Diego, CA, USA

    Todd A. Henry

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    Mikyoung Kim

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Henry, T.A. (2019). From War to War: Ch’anggyŏng Garden and Postcolonial Militarism in Early (South) Korea. In: Kim, M. (eds) Korean Memories and Psycho-Historical Fragmentation. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05906-4_2

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