Abstract
The role industrial workers played in the democracy movement in South Korea in the 1980s has been viewed as one of limited importance in the mainstream literature of modern Korean history, which highlights the role played by students and intellectuals. This assessment is based on a particular understanding of the nature of the 1980s labor movement, an understanding that celebrates the “worker–student alliance” as the cornerstone of the successful marriage between the minju (democratic) labor movement and the larger democracy movement. This chapter complicates this dominant discourse of the minju democracy movement by examining workers’ experiences and memories using newly available oral history and life history materials that help reveal the interior world of workers. By looking into the tension-ridden relationship between the two partners in the worker–student alliance of the early 1980s, the chapter seeks to illuminate the diverse and complicated ways female workers forged their identities in the radical labor movement of the era. Focusing on workers’ views of the vision and strategies of the labor movement and their understanding of the worker–intellectual relationship in the worker–student alliance, the chapter categorizes the participants of the 1980s minju labor movement in South Korea into three types: those who developed the vanguard intellectual identity, those who showed a workshop-centered worker identity, and those in between these two poles (the transitional identity). Four elements that informed and influenced identity formation process—gender, age/generation, religion, and education/knowledge—are then explored. By revealing fragmented stories and the voices of workers, this chapter aims to illuminate what it meant to workers to become involved in the 1980s labor movement, and through it, become connected to the larger democracy movement.
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- 1.
An earlier version of this essay appeared as Kim and Nam (2012).
- 2.
Unlike Chun Soonok, who made Han Sunim a typical example of a traitor of the union movement (Chun 2003), Hwasook Nam reads Han Sunim’s story as a kind of protest against the culture and strategies of the mainstream minju labor movement, an alternative narrative to the master narrative of minju labor activism (Nam 2009: 27–30).
- 3.
The UIM, along with the Catholic JOC (Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne), played an important role in the 1970s democratic labor movement. See Koo 2001, chapter 4.
- 4.
The “NL” (National Liberation) and “PD” (People’s Democracy) groups represented the two most influential factions in the 1980s radical social movement in South Korea. The NL group prioritized the task of national reunification because the group saw the country’s subordination to the USA as the biggest problem, while the PD group prioritized the struggles between labor and capital within the country. The “CA” group belonged to the latter.
- 5.
These books are critical of modern Korean history and society. College students used to read them in quasi-legal circles to understand the reality of their country. Exemplary books include such books as Chunhwan sidae ŭi nonri (The logic of a transition period) by Lee Yŏnghee and Haebang chunhusa ŭi insik (Understanding the liberation period) by Song Kŏnho et al. (6 vols.).
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Kim, Ki. (2019). Memories of Labor, Identities of the Time: Workers and Intellectuals in Korea’s Labor Movement of the 1980s. In: Kim, M. (eds) Korean Memories and Psycho-Historical Fragmentation. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05906-4_11
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