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Mach, Jerusalem and Pragmatism

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Part of the book series: Vienna Circle Institute Yearbook ((VCIY,volume 22))

Abstract

Ernst Mach’s positivism, it is argued in this paper, may be regarded as a version of pragmatist philosophy of science. Already James’s biographer Perry detected such tendencies in Mach and this is confirmed here by close attention to Mach’s early works, esp. History and Root of the Principle of the Conservation of Energy and The Science of Mechanics. Both Mach’s principle of the economy of thought and his principle of scientific significance are shown to bear out his pragmatism. A similar conclusion is shown to hold for the philosophy of Wilhelm Jerusalem already long before he became the translator of James’s Pragmatism into German. But while Jerusalem early on relied perhaps even more than Mach on evolutionary theory for promptings of pragmatist insights, he soon too linked them, as Mach had all along, to broadly sociological observations concerning the condition of human cognition.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On the German reception of pragmatism see Oehler (1977), Joas (1992), Dahms (1992), Ferrari (2006), Uebel (2014). For the different reception of pragmatism in France and Italy see Ferrari (2013).

  2. 2.

    For the role of pragmatist elements in Rudolf Carnap’s thought early and late see Carus (2007) and in his mature philosophy see Richardson (2007); for the role of pragmatism in the later thought of Philipp Frank see Uebel (2011) and in the earlier thought of Frank, Hans Hahn and Otto Neurath see Uebel (2015).

  3. 3.

    See Putnam (1994). Note that this characterization says nothing about metaphysics and, likewise, does not proscribe all dichotemies and allows for variation in how they are bridged. For a good overview of pragmatism see Hookway (2008/2013).

  4. 4.

    It is in this minimalist sense too that some of Mach’s heirs in Vienna continue his pragmatism.

  5. 5.

    See the often-quoted letter to his wife, 2 November 1882, e.g. in Thiele (1978, p. 169).

  6. 6.

    Perry also noted about Mach that “his last work approached closely to the pragmatist position” (Perry 1936, p. 588); presumably he meant Erkenntnis und Irrtum of 1905. Note also that in 1903 Mach had dedicated the third edition of his Popular Scientific Lectures, containing seven new essays, to William James and retained the dedication for the fourth edition in 1910.

  7. 7.

    Mach to his Danish colleague Anton Thomsen, 21 January 1911, in Blackmore and Hentschel (1985, p. 86; trans. TU). In a letter of 4 September 1909 Mach remarked to Thomsen, after praising James’s Principles of Psychology (1890): “That James tends towards passionate enthusiasm [Schwärmerei] and spiritism has to be weighed against his other achievements.” (Ibid., p. 63)

  8. 8.

    See Ferrarri (2014).

  9. 9.

    A correction is needed here: James did not mention Simmel in Pragmatism, but Jerusalem did in his “Translator’s Preface” (1908c, p. v); for the relevance of Simmel for Jerusalem see Uebel (2012).

  10. 10.

    Mach repeatedly declines being bracketed with philosophers (e.g. 1886/1897, p. vii) but—whether like his later admirer Otto Neurath—he liked the association or not, his reflections on science simply do count as philosophical by all normal standards.

  11. 11.

    See Mach (1882/1943, 1883/1960, Ch. 4, Sect. 4, 1884/1943, 1896/1986, Chs. 25–34, 1905/1976, passim).

  12. 12.

    The English translation obscures Mach’s historical side-taking by speaking merely of “clearing up ideas” to get rid of “metaphysical obscurities”.

  13. 13.

    Mach himself dated it to the early 1860s; see (1883/1960, p. 591)

  14. 14.

    “Historical studies are a very essential part of a scientific education. They acquaint us with other problems, other hypotheses, and other modes of viewing things, as well as with the facts under conditions of their origin, growth and eventual decay. Under the pressure of other facts which formerly stood in the foreground other notions than those obtaining today were formed, other problems arose and found their solutions, only to make way in their turn for the new ones that were to come after them. Once we have accustomed ourselves to regard our conceptions as merely a means for the attainment of definite ends, we shall not find it difficult to perform, in the given case, the necessary transformation in our own thought.

    A view, of which the origin and development lie bare before us, ranks in familiarity with one that we have personally and consciously acquired and of whose growth we possess a very distinct memory. It is never invested with that immobility and authority which those ideas possess that are imparted to us ready formed. We change our personally acquired views far more easily.” (1896/1986, p. 5)

  15. 15.

    On Herrmann, see Haller (1986).

  16. 16.

    In his 1882 Vienna lecture he stated: “The atom must remain a tool for representing phenomena, like the functions of mathematics.” (1882/1943, p. 207).

  17. 17.

    What he called “phenomena” (1872/1911, p. 61) were his later “elements”, e.g. (1882/1943, pp. 208–210).

  18. 18.

    To be sure, Mach sometimes speaks in a seemingly more dogmatic tone, as in the paragraph of The Science of Mechanics beginning with “Nature is composed of sensations as its elements.” and ending with “Properly speaking, the world is not composed of ‘things’ as its elements, but of colors, tones, pressures, spaces, times, in short what ordinarily we call individual sensations” (1883/1960, p. 579). A deflationist reading has to read “nature” and “world” here as indexed to the scientific perspective. (Likewise with the claim “There is no cause nor effect in nature; nature has but an individual existence; nature simply is” (ibid., p. 580).) And the translation “Only in the mind, therefore, does the mutual dependence of certain features exist” (1882/1943, p. 199) misleads for “the mind” replaces a demonstrative pronoun standing for “our schematic imitation”. Whether the merely deflationary intention can be upheld by his theory of elements is another matter, of course, but see Haller (1980) for a sympathetic anti-phenomenalist reading that also stresses the only hypothetical character of the economical descriptions aimed for. It may also be stressed that Mach’s elements are not Tractarian atoms: “Experience shows us the elements as dependent on one another.” (1910/1992, p. 118)

  19. 19.

    Compare: “To save the labor of instruction and of acquisition, concise, abridged description is sought…. By communication, the experience of many persons, individually acquired at first, is collected in one.” (1882/1943, p. 193)

  20. 20.

    “The goal … is the simplest and most economical abstract expression of facts.” (1882/1943, 207)

  21. 21.

    See Holton (1992/1993, p. 10–11) and Ryan (1989).

  22. 22.

    See the letter from James to Mach of 17 June 1902 in Thiele (1978, p. 171).

  23. 23.

    In his Pragmatism James himself said that Peirce’s principle “lay entirely unnoticed by any one for twenty years” (1907/1963, p. 24) until he “brought it forward again” in a paper of his own of 1898.

  24. 24.

    In consequence Peirce sought to distinguish his own understanding of the principle by calling the resultant doctrine “‘pragmaticism’ which is ugly enough to be safe from kidnappers” (1905/1958, 186). Likewise Dewey criticized James’s Pragmatism in his (1908).

  25. 25.

    See Wiener and Peirce in editorial preface to Peirce (1905/1958) and Dewey in (1925). For a clear comparison of Peirce and James see Hookway (2008/2013).

  26. 26.

    For a biography and comprehensive treatment of his views see Eckstein (1935), for a recent overview and analysis of his contribution to the sociology of knowledge see Uebel (2012).

  27. 27.

    See Kusch (1995).

  28. 28.

    The correspondence was started when Jerusalem sent him a copy of his Die Urtheilsfunction (1895) and James “acknowledged its importance and his measure of agreement with it” Perry (1936, p. 580).

  29. 29.

    See Jerusalem (1925, pp. 32–33).

  30. 30.

    In these passages Jerusalem also called upon similar ideas in (Simmel 1900, pp. 58–66), which built on ideas first expressed in (Simmel 1895). In later years, however, Simmel was critical of pragmatism: see Ferrari (2006).

  31. 31.

    Later, in his own Preface to Pragmatism, Jerusalem gently suggested that James’s remarks on truth needed to be recalibrated.

  32. 32.

    See Jerusalem (1908a, b, 1909a, 1910, 1913).

  33. 33.

    For his part, Mach mentioned “the nearness” of his views to those of Jerusalem in Der kritische Idealismus in the Preface to the second edition of his Erkenntnis und Irrtum (1905/1976, p. xxxv; cf. ibid., p. 83) and credited it to their shared biological-evolutionary perspective. Mach also contributed a paper to a Festschrift for Jerusalem with an affectionate preface recalling “the time when you used to visit me in the evenings so as to allow this recluse to participate in the events of the world, especially the philosophical ones” (1915, p. 154).

  34. 34.

    See also Jerusalem (1895, passim), (1899, pp. 77–80), (1902, pp. 89–91), (1909b/1925, pp. 142–143).

  35. 35.

    Literally meaning “thickening”, “increase of density” and “compression” in technical contexts and “condensation” in figural contexts, the translators of Ludwik Fleck who twice quoted the term from Jerusalem used “consolidation” (1935/1979, pp. 47, 172), while the translators of Freud who also used the term used “condensation”; see Laplanche and Pontalis (1967/1980, p. 83).

  36. 36.

    See Köhnke (2005). The characterisation of Völkerpsychologie given here—which restores it against much misrepresentation of varying sorts—is his.

  37. 37.

    The term Verdichtung does not, however, appear in Section 4.4 of Mach (1882), which is dedicated to the same topic, the economy of science, though the process and result designated by it is very well described there.

  38. 38.

    Simmel too used the term, albeit in writings of his not mentioned by Jerusalem, and without mentioning Lazarus; for Simmel’s relation to Lazarus see Köhnke (1990).

  39. 39.

    For instance by Friedrich Adler in his German translation of Duhem’s La théorie physique, son object et sa structure which has him speaking, with reference to Mach, of “laws being condensed (verdichtet) in theories” (1906/1978, p. 24).

  40. 40.

    See Jerusalem (1895, p. 150). In his later translation of James’s Pragmatism, Jerusalem used the term “verdichtet” for “funded” as in “funded truths” and “experience funded” (1907/1994, pp. 142, 148, 170).

  41. 41.

    By contrast, Mach stressed to the end that abductive reasoning does not legitimate switching into talk of entities of an entirely different category: “The conceptual compilation of facts is certainly what makes a compendious natural science possible, since without it an endless, immense, scarcely usable number of facts would exist. But it does not follow from this that the conceptual system must include much more or something wholly different from the individual facts of sensation accounted for; it still includes them, only ordered, only ordered perspicuously.” (1910/1992, pp. 123–124, orig. emphasis, trans. altered).

  42. 42.

    For Peirce’s criticism of Mach see also Erik Banks’s contribution to this volume.

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Uebel, T. (2019). Mach, Jerusalem and Pragmatism. In: Stadler, F. (eds) Ernst Mach – Life, Work, Influence. Vienna Circle Institute Yearbook, vol 22. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04378-0_36

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