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“A Traveling Salesman from Hades”. On the Critique of the Acquisitive Mindset in Nikolai V. Gogol’s Novel Dead Souls (1842)

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Part of the book series: Ethical Economy ((SEEP,volume 56))

Abstract

In Nikolai Vasilievich Gogol’s (1809–1852) Dead Souls (1842), a novel belonging to the global literary canon, the middleclass, economic concept of the honourable businessman is evoked ex negativo: by the foil Pavel Ivanovich Chichikov, a dubious profiteer and fraudulent speculator. Chichikov plans large-scale credit fraud in provincial Russia based on the illegal idea of taking out a loan against so-called “dead souls”, i.e. dead serfs. Referring to more recent contributions on the relationship between literary and economic discourses and taking into account the social-historical situation in nineteenth century Russia as well as the literary context, this contribution investigates the legal, moral, economic, metaphysical and anthropological implications of this fictive planned deception. From the perspective of ‘economic literature’, Gogol’s novel can be read as a result of dealing with disconcertment through fiction, but also as a product of the fascination sparked by the spirit of modern capitalism that was perceived as new and predominantly ‘un-Russian’, by the eldritch and uncanny way in which money works, and by the credit economy, still unusual in Russia. Furthermore, this contribution also shows that Gogol’s satirical novel reveals striking structural parallels to current literary and filmic portrayals of today’s financial crises.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Nabokov (1983), p. 17. The cited edition of Nabokov’s lectures by Fredson Bowers is not entirely reliable in that they include texts from Nabokov’s Gogol book Nikolai Gogol (1944). Cf. summary of the Nabokov-Gogol relationship in Fanger (1995).

  2. 2.

    Figes (2011), p. 239. Chekhov’s father was a businessman himself, if a rather unsuccessful one. See Ginzburg (1990), p. 7.

  3. 3.

    See also the economic aspects in Günther (2001).

  4. 4.

    See Russian literature and cultural history in general from an economic perspective in Weitlaner (2001).

  5. 5.

    Cf. inter alia Nohejl (2009).

  6. 6.

    Hörisch (1998), p. 32.

  7. 7.

    Günther (2003), p. 235.

  8. 8.

    Cf. Vogl (2010/2011).

  9. 9.

    Gogol (2013), p. 309.

  10. 10.

    Ibid., p. 9.

  11. 11.

    Ibid., p. 361.

  12. 12.

    Stender-Petersen (1986), p. 179.

  13. 13.

    Gogol (2013), p. 362.

  14. 14.

    Ibid., p. 362.

  15. 15.

    Ibid., p. 225.

  16. 16.

    Gerigk (2007), p. 127.

  17. 17.

    Günther (2003), p. 227. For this reference to the historical background, see also the aforementioned Tschilschke (1996), p. 95.

  18. 18.

    Sombart (1920), p. 121.

  19. 19.

    Ibid., p. 121.

  20. 20.

    Gogol (2013), p. 364.

  21. 21.

    Günther (2003), p. 227.

  22. 22.

    Cf. In detail Valentino (1998).

  23. 23.

    Günther (2003), p. 231, as well as Simmel (1989), p. 302.

  24. 24.

    Gogol (2013), p. 361. On the historical background, see Valentino (1998), pp. 545f.

  25. 25.

    Gogol (2013), p. 362.

  26. 26.

    For more information about the concerns due to the upcoming credit business and its causes in the eighteenth century see Vogl (2010/2011), pp. 53-82.

  27. 27.

    Günther (2003), p. 235.

  28. 28.

    Gerigk (2007), p. 125.

  29. 29.

    Marx/Engels (1975), p. 117, cited after Günther (2003), p. 236 (here slightly corrected).

  30. 30.

    Cf. Tschilschke (1996), pp. 97f.

  31. 31.

    Gogol (2013), p. 341.

  32. 32.

    Ibid., p. 340.

  33. 33.

    See economic historian Klaus Heller (2006), p. 1: “If, in the post-Soviet period, the historical role of the traditional Russian merchant on his way to becoming a modern entrepreneur and bourgeois is viewed rather positively, it indicates a decided departure from a picture of the Russian merchant, often distorted in public and especially in literature (kupec) with mostly repulsive features, whose origins extend beyond the Soviet era to the nineteenth century and earlier. Thus, even in Tsarist Russia, it was socially acceptable for anyone who believed himself to be superior by social status or education, looked down upon the merchant, and indeed regarded him as a social non-person who had always only been identified by ‘dishonor’.”

  34. 34.

    Günther (2003), p. 237.

  35. 35.

    Gogol (2013), p. 359.

  36. 36.

    Ibid., p. 365.

  37. 37.

    Ibid., p. 366.

  38. 38.

    Günther (2003), p. 227. There you will also find further expositions on the economic discourse in Russia after 1800 (pp. 228-230). See also Zweynert (2002).

  39. 39.

    Chizhevsky (1966), p. 76.

  40. 40.

    Günther (2003), p. 236.

  41. 41.

    See inter alia Conrad (2013), pp. 623f.

  42. 42.

    Göttler (2013), p. 14.

  43. 43.

    See Elistratov (2009), p. 169.

  44. 44.

    See Vogl (2010/2011), p. 10.

  45. 45.

    Don DeLillo’s novel is also the point of departure in Vogl (2010/2011). The reference to Homer and Dante can also be found here (see pp. 11 and 15). Cf. Homer and Dante as role models for Gogol Tschilschke (1996).

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von Tschilschke, C. (2019). “A Traveling Salesman from Hades”. On the Critique of the Acquisitive Mindset in Nikolai V. Gogol’s Novel Dead Souls (1842). In: Lütge, C., Strosetzki, C. (eds) The Honorable Merchant – Between Modesty and Risk-Taking. Ethical Economy, vol 56. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04351-3_10

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