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Critical Events

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The Faceless Terrorist

Abstract

On September 19, 2010, a military truck was ambushed in Kamarob Gorge, in the Rasht Valley region of Tajikistan, killing all personnel on board and attracting the attention of political analysts and government regimes across Central Asia. This occurred in a region that had been considered a backward, dangerous, and reactionary area since as early as the 1920s. Bearing this wider historical context in mind, the civil war and the most recent event in Tajikistan can be seen as part of a series of critical events that served to project a narrative of dangerousness or more accurately, criticality (Gefährlichkeitszuschreibung) onto this geographical area.

How was the civil war and the conflict of 2010 experienced in a village in Kamarob? How did its inhabitants reject, engage, flee, or negotiate with the parties involved in the conflict and the concepts imposed on their lives? These are questions that this chapter will outline, focusing on my own ethnographic experiences since 2002, and conversations with the inhabitants of one village that, to protect its anonymity, I have called Shahrigul here.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The region was known as Eastern Bukhara until the 1920s, then referred to as the Qarotegin Valley, and since the 1990s has been called the Rasht Valley. I will use the terms interchangeably, depending on the historical period under discussion.

  2. 2.

    Many of these migrants chose to go to the Ferghana Valley in Russian Turkestan because, due to the Russian presence, it had (since the 1870s) a comparatively well-developed economy. Apart from the Ferghana connection, Olimova and Bosc (2003, 11) traced labour migration to Baldjuvan, Kulab, and Gissar region. In general, people from mountain villages tended to migrate to the lower valleys. On this, see for example Beisembiev (2000) and Bushkov (2000).

  3. 3.

    For the social organization of the basmachi, see Snesarev (1963, 159–160). Consider also Marwat (1985), Hayit (1992) or Kassymbekova (2011) in this respect.

  4. 4.

    Niyazi’s (1994, 1999, 2000) approach can be considered representative for interpreting the developments in Qarotegin, especially within the Russian framework. The Qarotegin Valley came to be portrayed as an area where old traditions had been preserved (according to Socialist ideology this meant that the area remained backward and did not experience any sort of modernization). See also Kislyakov and Pisarchik (1972), Bushkov (1993), and Bushkov and Mikul’skii (1996).

  5. 5.

    The division of regions was reinforced by the political distribution of posts in Dushanbe (Rubin 1998; Roy 1999, 2000; Bergne 2007). While people from the north of Tajikistan received the leading positions, the “Gharmi” people (from the Rasht Valley) remained in lower positions. Whereas geography was not the only organizing pattern, since many groups had been relocated across the country from the late 1940s onwards, regionalism (mahalgaroi) was the common way to describe any tense relationship or economic and political competition among communities and people with origins in different regions (Jean and Mullojanov 2008; Kɪlavuz 2009).

  6. 6.

    All interviews in this chapter have been translated from Tajik by myself.

  7. 7.

    For a more elaborate history of the social conditions in this period, consult Roche (2014).

  8. 8.

    It is the same calendar as the Chinese, with exception of the dragon, which is replaced by a fish.

  9. 9.

    Rizvon was one of the local warlords with an individual agenda; for more context, see Tutubalina (2006), Roche (2014, 126).

  10. 10.

    Roberts (1998) has claimed that young people engaged in war activities based on patronage relations and expected their commanders to provide for them even after the war was over. This expectation represents a great risk to the power of the patron, who needs access to resources if he is to secure his position (see Kılavuz 2009; Ismailbekova 2011).

  11. 11.

    Until late 2002, international workers were not allowed to take public transport even in their leisure time, and moved around the country in private Land Rovers, or during field missions in cars provided by the organization that were easily recognized among the Niva and other Russian cars.

  12. 12.

    The importance of gender in remaking society after conflict has been noted by many authors, including Leydesdorff et al. (2005), Braun and Auga (2006), Martine (2007), Bjerg and Lenz (2008), Kassem (2010), Roche (2010).

  13. 13.

    See United Nations Security Council (1997, 3). In the context of the 1997 peace agreement, the program of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) was implemented in Tajikistan. For this purpose, humanitarian organizations and UN agencies stationed in the country produced a list of former combatants; this rehabilitation list protected them from legal persecution. However, only important commanders and fighters were added, while many militarily insignificant fighters, young men, and opportunists, who did not engage in patron–client relations with a particular opposition group, were not; thus, they were ineligible for post-war (re)integration. These young men were at constant risk of being arrested, as I witnessed myself: in 2007, one of these men, a boy at the time of the civil war in Tajikistan, was arrested almost before my eyes. There are no statistics regarding the number of those who have never been rehabilitated.

  14. 14.

    Even if regulations prohibit the recruitment of an only son, in practice, and for the sake of filling quotas, all boys are subject to recruitment as soon as they reach the right age. Therefore, every year tens of thousands of young boys leave home (often before finishing school) for Russia to avoid conscription.

  15. 15.

    According to a relative of a commander of the Tajik army, more than 300 soldiers lost their lives in this conflict. Yet numbers have to be treated carefully in this country, where they are political tools rather than representative of the outcomes of real-life situations.

  16. 16.

    See Chap. 4 for a description of the different modes of death that may lead a person to be declared shahid.

  17. 17.

    I differentiate between the rūmol, a scarf that all women wear and is bound around the neck or a large scarf that is loosely placed over one’s head outside the compound, and the hijob, a scarf that is unicoloured, bound in front, and affiliated with living a pious life. Although both scarves are religiously motivated, the hijob is used to display religiosity, see Stephan (2010).

  18. 18.

    These religious expressions Allahu Akbar (Allah is great), alhamdulillo (Praise be to God) are normal among many believers but unusual in Tajikistan. A person who uses them is clearly seeking to display him- or herself as a strong believer.

  19. 19.

    Buzkashi is a popular men’s sport in Central Asia in which a dead goat or calf needs to be carried into a goal by a team of horsemen.

  20. 20.

    Observation of the game between Istiqlol and Khair on July 11, 2011.

  21. 21.

    While this was not mentioned in any of the media reports, it may hint at a misunderstanding as well as a conscious policy of disinformation that foregrounded the escape of the prisoners as the reason why the war began, detracting from a more socially embedded conflict over resources.

  22. 22.

    A summary of the military autumn can be found in Chap. 1.

  23. 23.

    Mocking military power was one way of transforming the tension and absurdity of the conflict and re-establishing oneself as an honourable citizen.

  24. 24.

    Homiyon is a Turkish television detective series, which has been running for a long time and was extremely popular among Tajiks in 2010. Everybody watched the newest episodes and people would often compare their political conditions to those of the actors in the series.

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Roche, S. (2019). Critical Events. In: The Faceless Terrorist. Transcultural Research – Heidelberg Studies on Asia and Europe in a Global Context. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03843-4_6

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