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The Workers’ Party and the Racial Agenda in 21st-Century Brazil: The Need for a New Project of the Left Against Racial Inequality

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The Brazilian Left in the 21st Century

Part of the book series: Marx, Engels, and Marxisms ((MAENMA))

Abstract

The ability to respond to diverse interests within government—that would translate into effective public policies—has undoubtedly marked, as far as the racial issue is concerned, the 13 years of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) administration. As the former president used to say, ‘nunca antes na história deste país’ (‘never before in the history of this country’) have demands from the black movement been so often met as during the PT’s time in power. However, in spite of the progress made, there is every indication that a good deal more could have been accomplished in order to reverse the cycle of cumulative disadvantages to which the black population has been submitted throughout Brazil’s history and until this very day. My working hypothesis is that it was that policy of conciliation towards diverging interests that has prevented further progress in the pursuit of racial equality in Brazil.

This essay is divided into five parts, besides an introduction. The first elaborates on the program of race equality promotion inside the PT. The second briefly tackles the politics of alliances that allowed the PT to come to power. That politics has also marked the 13 years in which the party held the president’s office. The third takes into account the politics of alliances and is a reflection on how the racial agenda has been tackled under PT’s administration. We stress the work of Secretaria Especial de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (Special Bureau for Policies Promoting Racial Equality—SEPPIR) as well as the implementation of a few racially oriented public policies. The fourth part takes into consideration discussions on the Estatuto da Igualdade Racial (‘Race Equality Statute’) in the first decade of this century. It emphasizes that the progress made regarding the race issue in the country has derived from SEPPIR’s work rather than from the importance of the race issue inside the party. In our conclusion, on the one hand, we comment on the limitations of any project of the left which does not take as its centerpiece the racial issue; on the other, we invite the elaboration of a decolonizing project of the left that takes into consideration the racial domain, as well as other aspects of domination and exploitation, as core issues for a new political project of the left.

The author is grateful to researcher Sales Augusto dos Santos for the latter’s insights.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Studies of social stratification have called attention to the ‘cycle of cumulative disadvantages’ ever since Hasenbalg’s classic research (Hasenbalg 1979). Those are disadvantages in inter- and intra-generational social mobility suffered by the black population in comparison to the white population. In other words, not only is the black population born mostly in low-income and low-status families, but it is also submitted to lifelong discrimination and racism that limit its upward social mobility.

  2. 2.

    In our understanding, Brazil’s black movement has existed since the time when the first enslaved black rebelled against slavery in the sixteenth century. In Brazil’s most recent history, an institutionalized black movement operated clandestinely under the military dictatorship starting in 1964. It would reemerge in the open toward the end of the 1970s.

  3. 3.

    According to Santos (2014, p. 84), in December 1979, during its first congress in Rio de Janeiro, MUCDR shortened its name to Movimento Negro Unificado (Unified Black Movement—MNU). Though I mention here only the MNU as an organization coming up during that period, there were also other ones.

  4. 4.

    I should add that later several other similar black committees were set up in other cities.

  5. 5.

    May 13, 1888, is the date of the Emancipation of Slaves in Brazil (translator’s note).

  6. 6.

    Law 7.716 of January 5, 1989, known as Lei Caó (Caó Law), in honor of its author, representative (deputado federal) Carlos Alberto de Oliveira (Partido Democrático Trabalhista or Democratic Labor Party—PDT, Rio de Janeiro State). This law defines as a crime discrimination and prejudice based on race, color, ethnicity, religion, and national origin. It also defines racism as a felony without bail.

  7. 7.

    Article 68 of Ato das Disposições Constitucionais Transitórias (Transitional Constitutional Provisions Act) states: ‘The definitive ownership of land currently occupied by descendants of maroon communities (remanescentes das comunidades dos quilombos) is hereby acknowledged, and the State must grant them their respective title deeds.’

  8. 8.

    Lula’s inauguration as Brazil’s president took place on January 1, 2003. On May 12, 2016, the Senate authorizes an impeachment process against President Dilma Rousseff and temporarily removes her from office until her final trial, on August 31, 2016. She is then definitively removed from office.

  9. 9.

    Benefício de Prestação Continuada (Long-Term Provision of Benefits—BPC) is part of the social service chapter in Brazilian legislation and is set out in Estatuto do Idoso (Senior Citizens Statute). BPC pays one minimum salary to the elderly or handicapped whose income falls below one-fourth of the minimum wage. In 2004, the minimum age to be granted this benefit was lowered from 67 to 65 causing a substantial increase in the number of its beneficiaries.

  10. 10.

    Reference to a volume of poems by João Cabral de Mello Netto, Morte e Vida Severina (‘Life and Death of Severino’) written in the mid-1950s, and set to music by Chico Buarque de Hollanda. In his lyrics, Chico Buarque relates that the grave is what falls to Severino in this large landholding (i.e. metaphorically Brazil—translator’s note). Severino is a migrant from the countryside (migrante sertanejo) in search of better days in Brazil’s cities.

  11. 11.

    On October 2, 2015, SEPPIR was dissolved. A month later, on November 2, the Ministry for Women, Racial Equality and Human Rights in Brazil was created, with Nilma Lino Gomes as its first minister. She was in office until May 12, 2016, when the Federal Senate demanded that President Dilma Rousseff step down.

  12. 12.

    It was established by executive order no. 4.886 in 2003.

  13. 13.

    It was set up in 2003 by executive order 4.885.

  14. 14.

    Available at: http://conaq.org.br/noticias/em-vitoria-historica-de-quilombolas-stf-declara-constitucional-decreto-de-titulacoes/. Accessed on March 23, 2018.

  15. 15.

    Senate Draft Law n. 213/2003, May 29th, 2003.

  16. 16.

    Quijano calls this pattern of power the ‘coloniality of power.’

  17. 17.

    To be clear, I am talking here about relations within European nation-states. As I argued above, the relations of exploitation and race domination were central to European countries from the perspective of an international racial division of labor.

  18. 18.

    Similarly to the PT itself, many parties have informally included the race issue in their political program. However, this does not mean that there is a real conviction, translated into concrete actions, that this inclusion is really effective.

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Bernardino-Costa, J. (2019). The Workers’ Party and the Racial Agenda in 21st-Century Brazil: The Need for a New Project of the Left Against Racial Inequality. In: Puzone, V., Miguel, L. (eds) The Brazilian Left in the 21st Century. Marx, Engels, and Marxisms. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03288-3_8

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