Abstract
The 2017 election in the UK was unusual for a variety of reasons. Preceded by the Brexit referendum in the summer of 2016, the election demonstrated a new movement of antistatus-quo sentiments and, despite the lack of success of UKIP within the actual race, echoed rising anti-immigrant sentiment in the mainstream of British party competition. While right-wing extremist parties are more ambiguous in the UK than in France or Germany, with no one party dominating this side of the political spectrum long-term, the presence of UKIP and the Brexit referendum allows for similar comparisons to these other contexts. When anti-immigrant sentiments are not included, voting for UKIP (or being a “Leave” voter who voted Conservative) is positively affected by being more nativist; being more populist, however, negatively affects one’s likelihood of voting either UKIP or Brexit-Conservative (as does being highly educated, being unemployed, and being part of the working class). When anti-immigrant sentiments are included, they become the strongest predictor of a UKIP/Brexit-Conservative vote, with all other results persisting. Economic concerns and populism, then, do not function as hypothesized in the case of Great Britain.
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Notes
- 1.
May’s Conservatives were not required to hold an election, as they held a majority in Parliament, but it is not unusual for newly elected leaders to seek an electoral mandate, and in this case, it was felt by many that May’s negotiating position with the EU would be stronger if she had the perception of a mandate from UK voters. See Erlanger’s (2017) piece in the New York Times for an excellent analysis of the strategic considerations May faced vis-a-vis Brexit and new leadership of the Conservatives.
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Daigle, D.T., Neulen, J., Hofeman, A. (2019). Great Britain 2017. In: Populism, Nativism, and Economic Uncertainty. Europe in Crisis. Palgrave Pivot, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02435-2_5
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