Abstract
Over more than four decades, the Austrian economist, sociologist, and philosopher, Otto Neurath made unique contributions to the fields of museology and curation, which culminated in the founding of the Social and Economic Museum of Vienna and its mobile exhibitions in the 1920s. But until today, Neurath’s involvement in the organization of portable “field exhibitions,” which predated those at the Social and Economic Museum by at least half a decade remains understudied. In this essay, I argue that field exhibitions, which were informed by Neurath’s theories on war economy, are instructive in analyzing his overall curatorial ideas. Staged on the outskirts of the city in collaboration with allotment garden and settlement cooperatives, these exhibitions utilized plans and diagrams to convey social and political statements of facts through pictorial statistics and everyday objects. By pairing abstract graphic information with commonplace objects, they invited inhabitants into a conversation about the material world as well as the future by drawing on personal experience. As such, these field exhibitions created a communal environment for viewing and debating information and championed what I call “a collaborative practice of seeing.”
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Notes
- 1.
For this research, I have relied on the visual archives of a number of still existing Viennese cooperatives and associations. I would like to extend my gratitude to Karl Sedlak, Chairman of the Altmannsdorf-Hetzendorf cooperative and Sylvia Wohatschek, clerk woman of the Austrian League of Allotment Gardeners for opening their archives to me and for revealing materials previously believed to be lost or missing. I would like to acknowledge the Graham Foundation’s support for this research, which allowed me to digitize these rare materials and I thank Ádám Tuboly and Günther Sandner as well as my Harvard research partners Elizabeth Keto, Spencer Glesby, and Lara Teich for their commentary and feedback on this work.
- 2.
For the history of war-time resource shortages and alimentation in the city of Vienna see Healy (2004).
- 3.
Different acronyms and translations have been used for the Österreichicher Verband für Siedlungs- und Kleingartenwesen. Where possible, I have relied on Eve Blau’s (1999) translations.
- 4.
Neurath became involved in the affairs of settlement and allotment garden cooperatives in 1920 and assumed leadership in the Hauptverband für Siedlungs- und Kleingartenwesen in January of 1921, representing the affairs of settlers and – though to a lesser. In October of 1921 Hauptverband für Siedlungs- und Kleingartenwesen was unified with Zentralverband für Kleingärtner und Siedlungsgenossenschaften, henceforth operating as ÖSVK with Neurath acting as Secretary. For Neurath’s involvement in the ÖVSK see Novy (1981), Hoffmann (1982), Blau (1999, 89–133), Vossoughian (2008, 27–44), Sandner (2014, 165–171).
- 5.
- 6.
There has been some previous interest in elucidating Neurath’s engagement with the “everyday.” See, for example, the work of McElvenny (2013) and Michelle Henning’s chapter in the present volume.
- 7.
Nader Vossoughian has suggested that “there was nothing ‘real’ or ‘authentic’ about the Museum of Society and Economy’s collection,” (2008, 79) and Hadwig Kraeutler (2010, 165) further showed that Neurath’s ideas about museology allowed putting objects on view that escaped simplistic divisions low and high art as well as a long-valued culture of connoisseurship.
- 8.
Letter by Otto Neurath to Anton Weber, August 7 (1924), Papers of the Gesellschafts- und Wirtschaftsmuseum, Verein für Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung; cf. Neurath (1936, 70).
- 9.
On ISOTYPE, see Angélique Groß’s, Elisabeth Nemeth’s , and Silke Körber’s chapters in the present volume.
- 10.
The citation leads up to one of Neurath’s most well cited aphorisms “words divide – pictures unite.”
- 11.
The same idea of utilizing materials in various ways and of how museums shall represent these could be found also in “Museums of the Future:” “Isn’t it curious: we are constantly told that we are living in the age of technology, and yet when we enter a modern museum of natural history, there is no sign of it. […] A huge whale hangs in the middle of the hall; but we do not learn how the ‘beard’ is transformed into oldfashioned corsets, how the skin is transformed into shoes, or the fat into soap that finds its way to the dressing room of a beautiful woman” (Neurath 1933b, 459.)
- 12.
Peter Galison (1990) explored Neurath’s involvement in Bauhaus debates.
- 13.
- 14.
In the federal Austrian legislative election of 1920, the Social Democratic Party lost their lead to the Christian Social Party taking 36 and 41.8% of the vote respectively. In the Austrian Constitutional Assembly of the previous year, 1919 the results had been almost in reverse with the Christian Social Part taking 35.9% of the vote and the Social Democratic Party 40.8%. In the municipal elections in Vienna, in 1919, Social Democrats won with an absolute majority of 54,2%, followed by the Christian Social Party with 27.1%. The stark difference between capital and the federal states, defined political rifts throughout the progressive period known as Red Vienna.
- 15.
These numbers slightly vary, but Adolf Müller (1923, 19) and Otto Neurath (1923a, 19) cited that there had been between 30,000 and 40,000 members of allotment garden communities in 1923.
- 16.
The ÖSVK had emerged from the Forschungsinstitut für Gemeinwirtschaft (Research Institute for Social Economy), an organization founded by Neurath and socialist Käthe Pick , dedicated to translating the principles of war economy into socialization debates. At the time, Pick was involved in establishment of a Betriebsräteschule or work council school and a member of the Austrian Committee for the Socialization of Industry. The Research Institute’s role was to support the committee and provide guidance and promotion in questions of communal economy (Hoffmann 1982, 142). The ÖSVK was from the beginning equally informed by debates about how to counteract the adverse economic circumstances through socialization as it was by socialist education discourse.
- 17.
- 18.
- 19.
The largest ÖSVK sponsored protest staged in April of 1921 elicited the participation of 50,000 settlers.
- 20.
- 21.
See Frank (1924), which was originally published in Der Neubau. I want to thank Christopher Long for sharing the text with me. In 2012 the text appeared in Tano Bojankin, Christopher Long, and Iris Meder’s edited volume and translation Josef Frank: Writings. I have used both, this volume’s as well as my own translations in some quotations above. Below I have indicated when my own translations have slightly deviated from official translations. For example, I translate the title of the essay “Die Wiener Siedlung,” as “The Viennese Settlement” while it appears as “The Viennese Housing Settlement,” in the translated volume. I have utilized this title, because it is clear from the context of this essay, that settlements are a distinct form of housing and the word “housing” did not appear in the original German title Cf. Bojankin et al. (2012, 211–222).
- 22.
The volume of inquiries and the intensity with which Kampffmeyer and Loos worked with individual settlers and cooperative representatives is reflected in the agenda ledgers of the municipal Settlement Office of the years 1921 and 1922, which have – if partially – survived in the Vienna City and County Archives.
- 23.
- 24.
Kampffmeyer offered instruction about garden cities and the settlement, Adolf Loos lectured on “the settlement as educator,” and Margarete Lihotzky on furniture and interior design. Josef Frank provided instruction in economic building techniques and a settler named Garder lectured on adobe construction.
- 25.
A number of articles in Arbeiterzeitung publicly announced ÖSVK experts’ activities and lectures throughout the years of 1922. See for example Anonymous (1922).
- 26.
Käthe Pick and Neurath frequently wrote for the journal Der Betriebsrat, founded to promote the cause of the work councils. They also frequently lectured in work council schools.
- 27.
I have used Eve Blau’s existing translation for this passage. For a careful analysis of the role of the Genossenschaftshäuser also see Blau (1999, 112).
- 28.
- 29.
A potential fourth aspect of visual display was the use of lantern slides, which accompanied lectures starting in 1923. They were, however, predominantly utilized at more prominent urban locations, such as the Urania and Universum cinemas, or the Austrian Chamber of Labor, which commissioned Neurath and Lihotzky to hold lectures for their women’s association in 1924.
- 30.
Josef Frank’s and Otto Neurath’s converging ideas on the type were first discussed by Eve Blau (2006, 256), which are part of the concluding remarks of this essay.
- 31.
See note 5. in this essay for Neurath’s use of “statements of facts.”
- 32.
These vegetable displays foreshadowed the idea of transformation, a process crucial for the creation of picture statistics, in which multiple of kind were translated into a single symbol.
- 33.
For Neurath’s ideas on physcialism see Uebel (2007) and Cartwright , Cat, Fleck , Uebel (1996). Also see O’Neill (2007); Neurath (1931c/1973), (1931b/1973), “Physicalism, Planning and the Social Sciences: Bricks Prepared for a Discussion V.Hayek,” July 26, 1945, Otto Neurath Papers, Haarlem, 202, K 56.
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Hochhäusl, S. (2019). Traveling Exhibitions in the Field: Settlements, War-Economy, and the Collaborative Practice of Seeing, 1919–1925. In: Cat, J., Tuboly, A. (eds) Neurath Reconsidered. Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, vol 336. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02128-3_7
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