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Religious Independence of Chinese Muslim East Turkestan “Uyghur”

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Understanding Religious Violence

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Abstract

The Uyghur population is mired in a kind of constant conflict with the authorities of the Chinese central government because of the participation of part of the population (especially younger people) in local organisations with declared Islamist terrorists and the often-violent activities that these groups perform at State expense.

Islam (pillars, customs, demonstrations, etc.) is the element that the State instrumentally employs in building the image of a “minority/otherness,” separated from the “majority/normality,” that is stigmatised, fixed. And yet, the conflict of Uyghur nationality-Central State relations, justified by an apparent ideological and ethic incompatibility, masks a project of political State control, which is based on the disintegration and fighting to an “other” cultural identity as a tool of control.

We intend to contribute, in the framework of decolonial studies, with a detailed overview of the current State of relations between the different powers in China: Central State/majority versus ethnic identities/minorities. We will study ethno-political and conflicts of a religious nature, and the theoretical and practical and social implications they have, in order to discover, describe, and demonstrate the existence of what has been called epistemic racism, in which some elites breed underestimating racist practices at the expense of ethnically, racially, and socially discriminated groups.

This text is part of the results of the Research Group STAND (South Training Action Network of Decoloniality; Reference: HUM-952; Principal Researcher: Antonio Ortega Santos). It is included in the framework of the Project “Naturaleza gobernada. Un enfoque ecológico, institucional y cultural del manejo comunitario de recursos (Siglos XIII-XXI)”, 2016 (Reference: HAR2015-64076-P); the Project “Procesos emergentes y agencias del común: praxis de la investigación social colaborativa y nuevas formas de subjetivación política”, 2014 (Reference: CSO2014-56960-P); the Project “Contribuciones de la resistencia civil para la prevención de la violencia, la construcción de la paz y la transformación de conflictos en los Territorios Palestinos y Colombia”, 2015 (Reference: HAR2015-74378-JIN); and the I+D+i projects, State programme for the promotion of scientific and technical research excellence. The realisation of this work is financed by “Ayuda de Formación de Profesorado Universitario,” 2014 (Reference: FPU 14/01270).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    “La colonialidad, escondida bajo la retórica de la modernidad, genera necesariamente la energía irreductible de seres humanos humillados, vilipendiados, olvidados y marginados”. From this point on, all the translations of the quotes are mine. However, for greater transparency and to make the languages of the Global South visible, I have chosen to cite, in footnotes, the texts in their original language.

  2. 2.

    “Diseño global imperial/colonial”.

  3. 3.

    To deepen understanding on the issue of multilingualism of China and the government’s response to this issue, cf. Liang, S. (2015). Language Attitudes and Identities in Multilingual China. A Linguistic Ethnography. Springer.

  4. 4.

    World Uyghur Congress. 2015. East Turkestan [Online]. Available: http://www.uyghurcongress.org/en/?page_id=29681 [Accessed 15 Dec 2016].

  5. 5.

    World Uyghur Congress. 2015. East Turkestan [Online]. Available: http://www.uyghurcongress.org/en/?page_id=29681 [Accessed 15 Dec 2016].

  6. 6.

    IslamiChina. Mosques in China [Online]. Available: http://www.islamichina.com/mosques-masjid-in-china-.html [Accessed 15 Dec 2016].

  7. 7.

    “The Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region was formally established on October 1, 1955. Five autonomous prefectures and six autonomous counties were set up in the following months. Ethnic minority autonomy became a reality” 2014. The Uygur ethnic minority [Online]. Available: http://www.china.org.cn/e-groups/shaoshu/shao-2-uygur.htm [Accessed 02 Mar 2015].

  8. 8.

    Also called “Hundred Flowers Campaign”. During these years Chairman Mao and his government promoted free expression by the intellectuals of his views on party policy under the slogan “Let a hundred flowers and a hundred schools open”. The criticisms came, however, against the expectations of Chairman Mao, and were so numerous and severe that in July 1957, the campaign, which had suddenly become a real programme of violent and repressive anti-rightist measures, was abolished.

  9. 9.

    World Uyghur Congress. 2015. Current Issues Affecting the Uyghur Community [Online]. Available: http://www.uyghurcongress.org/en/?page_id=29698 [Accessed 15 Dec 2016].

  10. 10.

    For more information on the debate about Orientalism that has developed, in recent decades, especially in the Arab-Islamic world, cf. Abu Zayd, N. Ḥ. 2009. The Koran and the future of Islam, Barcelona, Herder; Laroui, A. 1978. La Crise des arabes intellectuels: traditionalisme ou historicisme?, Paris, La Découverte.

  11. 11.

    Also as Lipman relates, another little-known but curious story that magnifies the image of “terrifying others” that distinguishes the Chinese Muslims, is that they often, within their own mosques, founded real martial arts schools that reinforce the narrative China has of their intimately violent nature. We refer here mostly to Hui Chinese, and it seems appropriate to provide this example to show that, despite being considered less “conflictive” or “dangerous” than their Uyghur coreligionists, such constructed discriminant narratives on minority nationality also affect a population that “constituted an especially threatening minority for they maintained separate, exclusive communities, calendars and lives despite their strong physical and cultural resemblance to the Hans” (Lipman 1990, p. 78).

  12. 12.

    This is the case, for example, of the conflicts of a seemingly religious nature that have divided China and its major economic partner, Iran, namely, the demands of Xinjiang Autonomous Region Uyghur population in China, supported by the Tehran government, and the repression of these by Beijing. However, these conflicts have always been moderated by the real economic interests of both powers: China’s support for the development of Iran’s nuclear programme, the existing energy cooperation between the two countries.

  13. 13.

    “L’indifferenza opera potentemente nella storia. Opera passivamente, ma opera. […] Ciò che succede, il male che si abbatte su tutti, il possibile bene che un atto eroico (di valore universale) può generare non è tanto dovuto all’iniziativa dei pochi che operano, quanto all’indifferenza, all’assenteismo dei molti”.

  14. 14.

    Radio Free Asia. 2010. Politics Intrude in Mosque. A Chinese propaganda event in a religious space offends Uyghurs [Online]. Available: http://www.rfa.org/english/news/uyghur/party-08032010162324.html [Accessed 15 Dec 2016].

  15. 15.

    “Contrariamente a lo que muchos autores han afirmado el término islamofobia no es nuevo. Entre finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX una serie de autores detectaron la presencia en Europa de una actitud con respecto al islam y los musulmanes que algunos de ellos designaron con ese término”.

  16. 16.

    “Cartografía del poder del Sistema Mundo que se ha establecido en los últimos quinientos años”.

  17. 17.

    Mark, K. 1854. On the History of the Eastern Question. New York Daily Tribune [Online]. Available: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/subject/newspapers/new-york-tribune.htm [Accessed 06 Dec 2016].

  18. 18.

    World Uyghur Congress. 2015. East Turkestan [Online]. Available: http://www.uyghurcongress.org/en/?page_id=29681 [Accessed 15 Dec 2016].

  19. 19.

    “Au départ, c’est une expérience sociale, c’est une expérience vécue directement par des présumés musulmans. Pas seulement des actes ouvertement islamophobes, mais le fait d’être ramené à son statut de présumé musulman […] C’est une forme d’altérisation religieuse, où l’on va considérer que les discours ou les comportements d’un individu sont déterminés par son appartenance religieuse. Ce sont aussi des discours hostiles aux musulmans en tant que groupe. Avec, derrière, la question de la légitimité de leur présence sur le territoire”.

  20. 20.

    “L’islamophobie s’apparente finalement à un risque diffus et permanent qui exerce une forte contrainte sur les musulman-e-s. Le cœur de l’islamophobie éprouvée s’inscrit dans un climat général d’hostilité, sous la forme d’actes de basse intensité, pas toujours intelligibles. L’épreuve de l’islamophobie produit des situations d’illégitimité permanente alimentées par un climat de suspicion. […] Elle crispe les relations sociales, dresse des barrières, forge des handicaps qui, pour certains, s’ajoutent à d’autres difficultés sociales comme le fait d’être une femme, d’appartenir à une minorité ‘visible’, d’avoir un statut social modeste, un faible niveau de formation ou de résider dans un territoire disqualifié et mal desservi. L’islamophobie représente ainsi un poids supplémentaire dans la mécanique de la ‘discrimination négative’”.

  21. 21.

    Zdic.net. 2015. 民族 [Online]. Available: http://www.zdic.net/c/1/143/313472.htm [Accessed 05 Dec 2016].

  22. 22.

    Villard (2010, p. 314) quotes Stalin’s (Works, pp. 380–382) definition of “nation” to explain this statement: “A nation is a historically constituted, sable community of people, formed on the basis of common language, territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture […]. A nation is not merely a historical category, but a historical category belonging to a definite epoch, the epoch of rising capitalism”.

  23. 23.

    Zdic.net. 2015. 少数民族 [Online]. Available: http://www.zdic.net/c/1/37/85116.htm [Accessed 05 Dec 2016].

  24. 24.

    At the beginning of the twentieth century, inspired by some phonetic elements from a local variant of what might be called “Beijing dialect” and elements from other language versions (dialects) of the territory of China, the standard pronunciation for the Chinese language was developed and defined. This standard pronunciation, named Putonghua, was born with the intent to officially establish a lingua franca through which all citizens of the Chinese State would be able to communicate with each other regardless from their native spoken languages. For more in-depth information about the subject, cf. Ping, C. 1999. Modern Chinese. History and Sociolinguistics, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

  25. 25.

    Bakhtin (1981) defines, in this theory, dialogic “hybridization” as an instrument of permeability and freedom of languages to favour the communicative pragmatics between expressions of different times or contemporary cultural values, differentiated by heterogeneous contextual nuances or different idiomatic matrices, that is, by their heteroglossia.

  26. 26.

    In order to delve more deeply into the very interesting topic of the construction of hybrid identities in China and how they are naturally blended in “mestisation” and producing their own particular results, cf. Lipman, J. 1996. Hyphenated Chinese: Sino-Muslim Identities in Modern China. In: Hershatter, G. et al. (eds.) Remapping China. Fissures in Historical Terrain, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 97–112.

  27. 27.

    For further and deeper information on the human rights violations committed by China in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region, it is advisable to consult the annual report prepared by the World Uyghur Congress, which was published last March. Cf. World Uyghur Congress. 2015. 2014 Report on Human Rights Violations in East Turkestan [Online]. Available: http://www.uyghurcongress.org/en/wp-content/uploads/WUC-report-2014.pdf [Accessed 26 Jun 2015].

  28. 28.

    “Democrazia e libertà sono nozioni troppo generiche e diffuse per costituire oggetto reale di un conflitto”.

  29. 29.

    To synthesise the concept of “abyssal line”, which is one of the bases of the epistemology of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and his school of thought, the best is to quote the very theoriser of this concept and suggest to whom it may interest to check all the bibliography that Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Maria Paula Meneses, among the others, have published about it. “Radical lines divide social reality into two universes, the ‘this side of the line’ universe and the ‘other side of the line’ universe. The division is such that ‘the other side of the line’ disappears as reality, becomes non-existent, and in fact is produced as non-existent. Non-existent does not exist in any form relevant or understandable to be. What is produced as non-existent is radically excluded because it lies beyond the universe of what the accepted conception of inclusion regards as its other. Fundamentally, what most characterises the abysmal thought is, therefore, the impossibility of the presence of the two sides of the line. This side of the line prevails insofar as it narrows the field of relevant reality. Beyond this, there is only non-existence, invisibility, non-dialectical absence” (Santos 2010a, b, pp. 29–30).

  30. 30.

    “La discrimination se présente comme un ensemble de contraintes diffuses, rarement explicites et brutales, qui amènent les victimes à développer de multiples stratégies, à ‘faire avec’, c’est-à-dire à ‘construire une expérience qui leur permette non seulement de vivre le mieux possible, mais aussi de ne jamais se laisser assigner une identité qui les invalide”.

  31. 31.

    “Ciment à des ethnies en guerre”.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Contemporary History, Institute of Migrations, University of Granada, Granada, Spain

    Chiara Olivieri

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  1. Chiara Olivieri
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  1. Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, UK

    James Dingley

  2. University of Messina, Messina, Italy

    Marcello Mollica

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Olivieri, C. (2018). Religious Independence of Chinese Muslim East Turkestan “Uyghur”. In: Dingley, J., Mollica, M. (eds) Understanding Religious Violence. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00284-8_3

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