Abstract
With the crisis vital debate about the future of European integration has arisen. However in spite of growing citizen mistrust with regard to the European institutions, the reforms that are underway carefully avoid fundamental political issues: how can we simplify the European decision making process so that it is more transparent and readily understandable for the citizens? How can we strengthen the democratic legitimacy of the decisions taken, which for the time being are mainly the result of a technocratic, diplomatic process?
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References
On this issue see the work by S. Hix, including What’s wrong with the European Union and How to Fix it? (Cambridge Polity Press, 2008); we might also refer to T. Chopin, “The Limits of the Functionalist Method: Politicisation as an Indispensable means to Settle the EU’s Legitimacy Deficit”, in O. Cramme (ed.), An EU “Fit for Purpose in the Global Age”, Policy Network, Eliamep, London School of Economics, vol. 1, 2009 and with L. Macek, “Après Lisbonne, le défide la politisation de l’Union européenne”, in Les Etudes du CERI, no165, Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internationales, Sciences Po, 2010.
See for example S. Goulard and M. Monti, De la démocratie en Europe. Flammarion, 2012.
Cf. G. Ricard-Nihoul, Pour une Fédération européenne d’Etats-nations. La vision de Jacques Delors revisitée, éditions Larcier, coll. “Essais”, 2012.
Against this dominant theory read the work by O. Beaud, Théorie de la Fédération, Presses universitaires de France, 2007.
Cf. J. Pisani-Ferry, Le réveil des démons. La crise de l’euro et comment nous en sortir, Paris, Fayard, 2011; see also, P. Artus and I. Gravet, La crise de l’euro. Comprendre les causes. En sortir par de nouvelles institutions, Armand Colin, 2012, chap. 3. 6. See O. Beaud, “Peut-on penser l’Union européenne comme une Fédération ?”, in F. Esposito and N. Levrat (eds), Europe: de l’intégration à la fédération, Institut européen de l’Université de Genève, Bruylant, 2010, p. 71–103.
We owe it to N. Gnesotto for having highlighted this contradiction in “L’Europe politique a-t-elle un avenir ?”, in N. Gnesotto and M. Rocard,(dir.), Notre Europe, Paris, Robert Laffont, 2008.
Cf J-F. Jamet, L’Europe peut-elle se passer d’un gouvernement économique ?, La documentation française, 2e édition, 2012.
On this point see work by S. Collignon on “The European Republic” and notably The European Republic. Reflections on the Political Economy of a Future Constitution, Bertelsmann Foundation, 2003 and also (with C. Paul), Pour la République européenne, Odile Jacob, 2008.
Towards a Genuine Economic and Monetary Union, 5th December 2012; also refer to the conclusions of the European Council of 13th and 14th December 2012 — http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/fr/ec/134364.pdf
Cf. T. Chopin and J.-F. Jamet, “L’Europe sans les Européens”, Libération, 14th December 2012.
See Ulrike Guérot, “The Euro Debate in Germany: Towards Political Union?”, European Council on Foreign Relations, ECFR, 5 september 2012.
Cf. A Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine EMU. Launching a European Debate, European Commission, 28th November 2012.
Cf. “The Future of Europe: Merkel Pushes for Convention to Draft New EU Treaty”, Spiegel Online International, 27th August 2012.
Die Zeit, 29th August 2012.
Speech on the State of the Union 2012 to the European Parliament, 12th September 2012.
Cf. Speech by J-C Trichet, then President of the European Central Bank on the occasion of the award of the Charlemagne Prize 2011 in Aachen on 2nd June 2011.
F. Hollande also said: “Political Union comes afterwards, it is the stage that will follow budgetary union, banking union and social union”, interview given to Le Monde on 18th October 2012.
T. Chopin, J.-F. Jamet, F.-X. Priollaud, “A Political Union for Europe”, European Issue, Robert Schuman Foundation, September 2012 — http://www.robert-schuman.eu/doc/questions_europe/qe-252-fr.pdf
We should note that the report by the “Group of 4” explicitly recommends that the Eurozone be provided with a common external representation. Unfortunately this point was not taken up by in the Conclusions of the European Council on 13th and 14th December 2012.
Not only is this idea defended by M. Schulz, President of the European Parliament but also by the European Commission; cf. A Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine EMU. Launching a European Debate, op. cit.
Cf. T. Chopin and J.-F. Jamet, “The distribution of MEPs seats at the European Parliament between Member States: a democratic and diplomatic issue”, in European Issues-Robert Schuman Foundation’s policy papers, no71, 2007.
Decision of the German Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe on the Lisbon Treaty stresses that the democratic principle applied to a States makes the respect of certain conditions obligatory which the Union does not do — notably the fact that the European elections do not take place according to the principle “one man, one vote”.
The political unification of the EU is also vital if it wants to exist in the world. P. Lamy said this clearly. “In the world as it now is I cannot see a future for Europe as a civilisation, for what it represents in terms of values, without greater integration. I see no place for what makes Europe specific a wise dose of security, social, market, efficiency — without political union,” in a speech at the University College of Sciences Po, 31st August 2012. Beyond these values and also on the inevitable issue of interests we might refer to M. Foucher’s article in this book “European Strategic Interests: choice or necessity?”
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Chopin, T. (2013). Political Union: from slogan to reality. In: Chopin, T., Foucher, M. (eds) Schuman Report on Europe. Springer, Paris. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-2-8178-0451-4_2
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