Abstract
Analogue computing derives its name from ‘analogy’ and before the phrase ‘analogue computing’ was first coined, the pre-existing technologies were called ‘electrical analogies’ or ‘electrical analogues’. This chapter discusses the emergence of the discipline of electrical analogy during the early twentieth century. Evolving from early electrical modelling, this culture of analogy formed the foundations for analogue computing. This chapter is about the history of a concept: the concept of ‘electrical analogy’. We will see how, as the use of successive types of analogy became established practice, a discipline of analogue computing began to form. As a result of both analogue and digital technologies being called ‘computers’, analogue became associated with digital. Initially, this enrollment was good for analogue technology. However, later in the history, this association turned sour. Analogue became the ‘poor relation’ of computing and was redefined to become a non-computational technology.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
The so-called Baltimore Lectures. This ‘master class’ of nineteenth century physics was delivered in 1884 at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. It is from these lectures that some of Kelvin’s most famous quotations on models derive, Kelvin actively employing both theoretical and concrete models throughout this series of twenty lectures (Kargon 1987, pp. 1–3).
- 3.
Equating modelling with understanding was a British trend that evoked criticism from the continental scientific method, particularly from the philosopher of science Pierre Duhem. Duhem was scornful that British physicists equated understanding with identification of a model. See Duhem (1954) pp. 71–72.
- 4.
William Thomson, The Baltimore Lectures, Lecture 11 (Thomson 1884, p. 111).
- 5.
William Thomson, The Baltimore Lectures, Lecture 20 (Thomson 1884, p. 206). For Kelvin, Maxwell’s electrical theory was lacking a suitable grounding in ‘sensory reality’ (Smith 2004). Despite this, Maxwell’s analogy was for many developers of analogue computing the conceptual heritage of what they were doing. This was true for researchers working on electrolytic tanks.
- 6.
Anon. (1926).
- 7.
The contributors to the 1911 edition of the Britannica were the leading scholars of the day. Boltzman was a famous physicist.
- 8.
Boltzmann (1911) p. 640.
- 9.
A physicist interested in electrical theory, Edwin Fitch Northrup (1866–1940) graduated from Amherst College in 1891 and from Johns Hopkins University in 1895 with a doctorate in the measurement of capacitance. His career followed an academic-industrial mix: beginning with an associate professorship at Texas before working as an engineer in the telegraph industry. In 1903, he joined the businessman and inventor, Morris E. Leeds, to establish Leeds & Northrup Co., a manufacturer of scientific instruments. In his role as vice-president, Northrup developed a number of electrical instruments and received a number of patents. It was while working at Leeds & Northrup that he published his ideas of electrical analogy. He left the firm in 1910 to take up a professorship in Physics at the University of Princeton where he researched motions of a liquid vortex. During the following decade, Northrup published two textbooks on practical physics—Methods of measuring electrical resistance in 1912 and Laws of physical science in 1917. In the late 1930s he published a science fiction novel about space travel and received a D.Sc. See Northrup (1895), Amherst College (1951) p. 73, Northrup (1912) preface, IEEE (2007), Northrup (1937).
- 10.
Northrup (1908) p. 17. Such statements highlight the idea that the symbol Ω, normally representing an electrical property, could equally represent a particle’s mass through exploiting the underlying analogy.
- 11.
Northrup (1908) pp. 2–3.
- 12.
Small (2001) p. 40.
- 13.
In his analysis, Bush derived his analogies by manipulating equations either side of a vertical line, the left hand side denoting the electrical and the right hand side denoting the mechanical. As Bush wrote: ‘Considerable care must be used, in interpreting this result on the mechanical system, to obtain exact analogues’ Bush (1919) p. 202.
- 14.
See Nickle (1925).
- 15.
Bewley (1963). Bewley wrote that Nickle was a ‘quiet, unassuming and lovable man of many interests’. Alongside A.R. Stevenson, Nickle helped establish the General Electric’s ‘Advanced Engineering Course’, a graduate program noted for its rigour. See Owen (1999) pp. 11–12. Nickle was also involved in the industrial colloquia for Electrical Engineering students held at MIT during 1927 and 1928. See Anon. (1927, 1928).
- 16.
- 17.
He cites Bush and Booth (1925) as an example.
- 18.
Nickle (1925) p. 854.
- 19.
See Nickle (1925). Commenting on Nickle’s work, Karplus and Soroka (1959) speak of this being the ‘fundamental paper on the application of electrical circuits to the solution of problems’ from which the ‘field of experimental analysis was rapidly developed’ (p. 265). Other citations by contemporaries such as Bush or Pérès (1938) confirm its significance.
- 20.
Nickle (1925) p. 844.
- 21.
See Whitaker (1928) p. 41.
- 22.
Oliver (1930) p. 318.
- 23.
Malavard (1947) p. 247. See Sect. 2.4.2.2, p. 44, above.
- 24.
Bailey (1939).
- 25.
See Akera (2007) pp. 30–33.
- 26.
See Bush (1934) p. 289–291.
- 27.
Bush (1935) p. 6.
- 28.
Anon. (2007).
- 29.
See Bush (1936).
- 30.
Recall that in 1941, Mauchly would attribute his analogue-impulse distinction of computer technology to Atanasoff. Following Atanasoff’s classification, Mauchly concluded that an analogue had to employ ‘some sort of analogue or analogy, such as Ohm’s Law or the polar planimeter mechanism to effect the solution of a given equation’. Here ‘analogue’ merges the idea of electrical analogy and a continuous calculating device. Atanasoff was familiar with electrical analogy. In the early 1930s he developed an instrument called the Laplaciometer intended to solve Laplace’s equation—in particular he was working with his graduate student Lynn Hannum. The Laplaciometer consisted of a cube of wax which was shaped to model the problem. See Burks (2002), Murphy and Atanasoff (1949). Atanasoff began to move towards digital technology during the second half of the 1930s (Randell 1982, p. 294).
- 31.
See Pawley (1937).
- 32.
Hughes and Wilson (1947), p. 103.
- 33.
- 34.
See Bruce (1947/1943) col. 2.
- 35.
Patents for subsequent analysers described the technology as an electrical analogue—see Aronofsky (1958/1951), Loofbourrow et al. (1957/1952). By the 1950s reservoir analysers were routinely being classed as analogue computers (Montague et al. 1956, p. 12). When Birks, a BP reservoir engineer, summarised the development of reservoir analysers he introduced them as analogue computers. See Sect. 6.2, p. 132, below.
- 36.
- 37.
Swade (2000) described how the Phillips machine (or Moniac) is perhaps not a computer at all (owing to it being more a dynamic illustration than an artefact for computation).
- 38.
- 39.
Bijker (1992).
- 40.
Mindell (2002) p. 231.
- 41.
A useful indicator of the developing analogue culture is the emergence of textbooks which began to appear around 1950. Popular early texts on analogue computing included Korn and Korn (1956), Johnson (1956), and Soroka (1956). Michael E. Fisher, an analogue research student of the 1950s, commented that prior to 1953 ‘the art of analogue computing had already reached quite an advanced state.’ And that ‘at least one textbook had been published’ (Korn and Korn). However, by the completion of his thesis in 1957, there were many textbooks he could cite, and in the early 1960s he contributed his own. See Fisher (1957) p. 1.1. Initially these texts were geared to electrical engineers, detailing the inner workings of the computer circuits. Later—in a trend towards programming—the texts became more mathematically focused, presenting analogue computing to the general scientific user. For example, one of the last successful textbooks (Charlesworth and Fletcher 1974) replaced computing components with black boxes, and also encouraged the use of abstract ‘machine units’ rather than voltages to represent numbers. The use of machine units (MUs) meant that an analogue ‘program’ could be easily transferred between different types of machine.
- 42.
This was an extended version of a shorter piece published in the journal Simulation. See Philbrick (1963) p. 3.
- 43.
Williams (1994) p. 1.
- 44.
Holst (1982) described Philbrick as a ‘truly innovative and goal-oriented engineer’ who was ‘still remembered by old-timers as a unique, creative personality’, and Paynter (1975) identified him as ‘the father of modern operational amplifiers and analog computing’. Elsewhere he was described as ‘one of the most far-sighted engineers of our time’ (Philbrick 1972a, ed. comm.), and in 2002, the magazine Electronic Design included him in their fiftieth anniversary ‘Hall of Fame’ (Anon. 2002). See also the writing by Dan Sheingold in editorial articles of Analog Dialogue, the trade publication of Analog Devices Inc., available http://www.analog.com/analogdialogue/; and the material on the Philbrick Archive website (managed by Jo Sousa) http://www.philbrickarchive.com/.
- 45.
Philbrick pursued what Holst would later describe as a ‘maverick’ approach to industry: GAP/R carried on with alternating-current-coupled computing units even though the ‘industry norm’ became direct-current-coupled; they also pursued the view that the analogue computer should be a fully modular set of black boxes rather than the ‘patchboard-oriented’ computers offered by other manufactures. See Holst (1982) p. 156. Holst described these black boxes as ‘flexible and effective engineering analysis tools’ (Holst 2000, p. 58).
- 46.
Frontmatter. The Lightning Empiricist, 1(1), 1952.
- 47.
Anon. (1969). For many years the editor was Dan Sheingold, a Vice President of GAP/R, who in later years edited the trade publications of Analog Devices Inc. and in particular, their magazine Analogue Dialogue. Although few of the articles in The Lightning Empiricist were attributed to an author, Sheingold’s distinctive writing style can be seen throughout the publication record.
- 48.
Philbrick (1969) p. 24.
- 49.
Philbrick (1963).
- 50.
Philbrick (1969) p. 24.
- 51.
Philbrick (1969) p. 22.
- 52.
The Lightning Empiricist vol. 11. The titles of articles in The Lightning Empiricist were elaborate and elegant, positioning themselves as something a bit different from the main-stream electronics and computer literature. Titles such as ‘Intentionally unconventional analoguery’, or ‘Modularity, medieval and modern’ had an almost poetic adaptation of conventional terminology. See Anon. (1963a, 1963c).
- 53.
Philbrick (1969) p. 16.
- 54.
McLeod (1968) p. 8.
- 55.
The inclusion of these languages in the ACM computing curriculum was discussed in Sect. 2.5.3, p. 54, above.
- 56.
Brennan and Linebarger (1964).
- 57.
Brennan and Linebarger (1964).
- 58.
Selfridge (1955).
- 59.
Brennan and Linebarger (1964) p. 248.
- 60.
Brennan and Linebarger (1964) p. 248.
- 61.
On an electronic analogue computer, the output of an integrator or summer was negated as a consequence of the circuits employed to perform integration.
- 62.
An example is the application of electrical analogues to hydroscience. During the 1960s, modelling ground water systems was a well-known application of resistance networks and other electrical circuits. Analogue techniques continued to be significant modelling tools in this domain, but their users stopped referring to these set-ups as ‘computers’. A technology that had previously been computational had returned to being a physical model. See Prickett (1975) for examples of non-computational analogue computing—what he calls ‘electrical models’.
- 63.
See the cover images of Williams (1994).
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Care, C. (2010). Origins of Analogue: Conceptual Association and Entanglement. In: Technology for Modelling. History of Computing. Springer, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-84882-948-0_4
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