Abstract
Local symmetry offers some hope for mind-body rapprochement in a way that transcends the pitfalls of older philosophical models. Locally invariant principles retain the positive features of neutral monism as a “flat” linear limit but also include nonlinear “curvature” to make room for intrinsic intentionality Gauge field concepts thus get us a fair distance beyond the horizon of neuropsychiatry However, in the form presented so far, local subject-object symmetry still has a few inadequacies that need more ironing out. This can be done by generalizing the concept of an intentional gauge field yet further.
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Notes
Searle, Minds, Brains and Science, pp. 39, 60.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? p. 71.
Penrose, The Emperor’s New Mind, pp. 335–339.
Stuart Shapiro and Saul Teukolsky, “Black Holes, Naked Singularities and Cosmic Censorship,” American Scientist 79 (July-August, 1991), pp. 330–343.
Physical gauge fields can include not only cusplike singularities but also other anomalies resembling plateaus and jug handles. Analogies to these additional structures, in the setting of an intentional gauge field, might conceivably represent nonpsychotic mental disturbances like neuroses and personality disorders. They may therefore merit further investigation.
Capra, pp. 171, 377–381.
Michel Foucault, Mental Illness and Psychology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p. 27.
A. J. Ayer, Philosophy in the Twentieth Century (New York: Vintage 1982), p. 214.
Collinson, pp. 128–130.
Flew, p. 157.
Scruton, From Descartes to Wittgenstein, pp. 257–259.
Flanagan, p. 178.
Hearnshaw, p. 234.
Herbert Marcuse, Negations (London: Free Association Books, 1988), pp. 58–60.
Priest, 198–199, 207.
Robert Solomon, Continental Philosophy Since 1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 129–138.
Hannah Arendt, The Life of the Mind (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1978), p. 46.
Marcuse, Negations, pp. 58–60.
Priest, pp. 198–199, 207.
F. David Peat, Superstrings and the Search for the Theory of Everything (Chicago: Contemporary Books, 1988), p. 225.
Penrose, “The Geometry of the Universe,” in Steen, ed., Mathematics Today, pp. 108–109.
If the elemental “point” in an intentional gauge field is ontic in character, then that point’s expansion into a torsional ‘line may correspond to Heidegger’s concept of self-transcendent existence or Dasein (Barrett, Irrational Man, pp. 218–222, 226).
Peat, pp. 163–273.
Penrose, “The Geometry of the Universe,” pp. 122–124.
Roger Penrose, “Minds, Machines and Mathematics,” in Blakemore and Greenfield, eds., Mindwaves, p. 274.
Peat, pp. 168–169.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, p. 361.
Priest, pp. 82, 208–209.
Barrett, The Death of the Soul, pp. 44–46.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 204–205.
Scruton, Prom Descartes to Wittgenstein, p. 128.
Barrett, The Death of the Soul, pp. 64, 114–115.
Scruton, From Descartes to Wittgenstein, p. 147.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 222–234.
Priest, pp. 80–97.
Scruton, From Descartes to Wittgenstein, pp. 165–180.
Barrett, The Death of the Soul, p. 116.
The rising accord given to neutral monism in modern thought has heightened this blurring. Some modern versions of neutral monism have even tried to replace numbers with the self as their invariant, leading to new variations on the infinite regressions of global epistemic symmetry (Priest, pp. 170–182).
Goodman, pp. 554–558.
Koestler, p. 58.
Capra, p. 373.
A threefold approach to representations of reality is not new. Karl Popper, for example, has advocated his own “three-world” metaphysical construct, consisting not of a simple matter-mind dualism but instead of physics, consciousness, and “objective” knowledge as a triad (Hutchinson, p. 26).
Hearnshaw, pp. 284, 286–288.
Koestler, pp. 34, 70–71.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 36–37, 379.
Although scientists like Premack and Gardner have trained chimpanzees to communicate in sign language, their achievement falls short of human language acquisition, which is spontaneous (Hearnshaw, pp. 261–262.)
Hearnshaw, pp. 270–271, 282–284, 287–289.
Linguistic bewitchment has habitually plagued the philosophy of mind and its intellectual progeny. Even Plato fell under the spell of words, but modern philosophers in particular have been seduced by their false potential. The critical seductions occurred in the eighteenth century, when Vico made the overblown claim that language determines all the properties of thought and Berkeley dubbed language as the glue holding together all ideational reality. In the 1850s, de Saussure formally dedicated himself to a specialized study of language by creating the discipline of philology. By 1950, researchers were diligently applying tools from information theory, particularly with regard to redundancy and noise, to language. These developments induced even skeptics like Skinner to accept language as a subject of singularly crucial psychological concern. With language then fully in the limelight, attempts at linguistic simulations on machines sprang up through programs such as SHIRDLU and proposals that consciousness itself is an encoded language (Hearnshaw, pp. 265–267, 271, 276, 286–289, 294; Oldroyd, p. 12; Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 100, 104; Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 192–193).
Koestler, pp. 57, 226–227, 231–266.
Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, p. xv.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 308, 368.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 293–294.
Priest, pp. 57–58, 62–63.
Jonathan Turner, “Mead, George Herbert,” in Kuper and Kuper, eds., The Social Science Encyclopedia, p. 508.
Schellenberg, pp. 38–62.
Priest, p. 35.
Flew, p. 145.
Losee, pp. 131–132.
Priest, pp. 37–43.
Collinson, pp. 145–150.
Flew, pp. 374–377.
“Wittgenstein, Ludwig Josef Johann” (no author given), in Gregory, ed., The Oxford Companion, p. 811.
Priest, pp. 56–64.
Flew, pp. 309–310.
T. R. Miles, “Ryle, Gilbert,” in Gregory, ed., The Oxford Companion, pp. 691–692.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 143–153.
Priest, pp. 35–64.
Albert Gilgen, “Skinner, Burrhus F., ” in Kuper and Kuper, eds., The Social Science Encyclopedia, pp. 752–753.
Schellenberg, pp. 87–111.
Flanagan, pp. 99–103.
Oldroyd, p. 12.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 104–105.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 192–193.
Gerald Grob, “Origins of DSM-I: A Study in Appearance and Reality,” American Journal of Psychiatry 148:4 (April 1991), p. 421.
The psychiatrist’s handling of violence in particular has depended on wider social contexts and demands. There are few reliable ways of predicting whether specific persons are prone to future violent behavior. Nevertheless, psychiatrists working as agents of society must often act in presumptive haste in deciding whether to incarcerate potentially assaultive patients [Carl Sherman, “MDs Urged to Take Lead Role in Efforts to Reduce Violence,” Clinical Psychiatry News (January 1993), p. 23; Tardiff, p. 496].
Eichelman, p. 491.
William Glazer, “Psychiatry and Medical Necessity,” Psychiatric Annals 22:7 (July 1992), p. 366.
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Measuring Psychiatry’s Cost-Effectiveness: When a Dollar Saved Is Not a Dollar Earned, Psychiatric News (19 June 1922), p. 24.
Tardiff, pp. 493, 496, 498.
Hearnshaw, pp. 246–249.
Ibid., pp. 124, 129, 130, 134.
There also appeared at this time internationally oriented journals, including the Zeitschrift für Psychologie und Physiologic der Sinnesorgane, Journal de Psychologie normal et pathologique, British journal of Psychology, and L’Année Psychologique.
Hearnshaw, pp. 134, 137–138.
Training under Wundt helped to influence Emil Kraepelin in favor of institutional settings and concrete experimental methods. Kraepelin also came to see mental illnesses as collective categories. His method of gathering statistical data according to epidemiologic principles at the turn of the century first created concepts of mental illnesses as reified entities. Alzheimer, Nissl, Brodmann, and the other members of Kraepelin’s neuropsychiatric department spread his ideas throughout the universities of Europe. His clinical approaches eventually also took root across the Atlantic in the United States, where early acceptance of statistical, epidemiological approaches to research prompted the predecessor of the American Psychiatric Association to endorse “a uniform system to gather data on mental diseases and mental hospitals.” Psychiatrists became even more prone to deal with patients as “uniform” collective categories during their military experiences in World War II. Consequently, by the time the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-I) appeared in 1952, the committee responsible for its publication had embraced the use of standardized diagnostic categories. The committee’s chairman stated that “accurate diagnosis is the keystone of appropriate treatment and competent prognosis” while downplaying concerns that standardized categories would jeopardize the understanding of individual patients. With the development of later DSM versions, particularly those in use since the 1970s, categorization and description have become paramount. Many alarmed practitioners have voiced the concern that these developments will completely remove from psychiatry’s ken the individual patient’s life history, his inner experiences and suffering, and their subjective impact. Symbolic, schematic excesses of disease taxonomy carry the danger of expanding to vaporize personal meaning completely, leaving the arbitrariness of semantic emptiness and vacuous protocols and routines. Hierarchical lumping of phenomena by DSM harks back to the most primitive kinds of thought, which merely pigeonhole phenomena instead of really explaining them. Past historical examples from protoscience include the arbitrary categories into which the ancients forced their physical constructs and the pre-Darwinian classes of plants and animals catalogued by Carolus Linneaus [Andreasen, The Broken Brain, p. 14; Jacob Bronowski, The Common Sense of Science (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 50; Flanagan, pp. 76, 128; Grob, pp. 421–426, 427–430; George N. Raines, quoted in Grob, p. 430; Mitchell Wilson, “DSM-III and the Transformation of American Psychiatry: A History,” American Journal of Psychiatry 150:3 (March 1993), pp. 399–410; Winson, p. 63; Zangwill, “Kraepelin” in Gregory, ed., The Oxford Companion, p. 414].
Hearnshaw, pp. 137–140, 141–143.
Ibid., pp. 271, 273–274.
“Big Brother May Soon Be Another Party to Every Drug Prescription Transaction,” Psychiatric News (3 July 1992), pp. 4, 12.
“Measuring Psychiatry’s Cost-Effectiveness,” p. 24.
Roger Coleman, “Utilization Management and Quality Care,” Psychiatric Annals 22:7 (July 1992), pp. 356–360.
Jan Fawcett, “Utilization Management—We Don’t Have to Love It—We’ve Got to Learn About It,” Psychiatric Annals 22:7 (July 1992), p. 354.
Daniel Moore, “Utilization Management and Outpatient Treatment,” Psychiatric Annals 22:7 (July 1992), pp. 373–377.
“Psychotherapy Under the Knife,” U. S. News and World Report (24 May 1993), p. 64.
Joyce Edward and Karen Shore, “The Trauma of Managed Mental Health Care,” New York Times (15 February 1993), p. A14.
Janet Kamin, “When Managed Care Manages Psychotherapy,” New York Times (13 May 1993), p. A22.
Elisabeth Rosenthal, “Insurers Second-Guess Doctors, Provoking Debate Over Savings,” The New York Times (24 January 1993), pp. 1, 22.
“Big Brother,” pp. 4, 12.
Fawcett, p. 354.
Glazer, pp. 363–365.
Moore, pp. 373–377.
Harold Alan Pincus and Theodora Fine, “The Anatomy’ of Research Funding of Mental Illness and Addictive Disorders,” Archives of General Psychiatry 49 (July 1992), p. 578.
“Measuring Psychiatry’s Cost-Effectiveness,” p. 24.
Eccles, pp. 351–353.
Flanagan, pp. 201, 203–206.
Erich Fromm, The Sane Society (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1955), p. 122.
Goodman, p. 560.
Eysenck, Decline and Fall of the Freudian Empire, p. 204.
Barrett, Irrational Man, p. 163.
Norman O. Brown, Life Against Death (Middletown: Wes-leyan University Press, 1959), p. 253.
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Freedman and van Nieuwenhuizen, pp. 132, 134.
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Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 320–323, 476–477.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 293–294, 320–323.
Priest, p. 93.
Scruton, Kant, pp. 67–68.
Koestler, pp. 309–310.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 458–460.
Palmer, Looking at Philosophy, pp. 238–243.
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Flanagan, p. 87.
Bronowski, Magic, Science, and Civilization, p. 17.
Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, p. 164.
Palmer, Does the Center Hold? pp. 476–477.
Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, p. 164.
Brown, p. 279.
The Campus: ‘An Island of Repression in a Sea of Freedom,’ Commentary (September 1989), pp. 18–20, 22.
Koestler, pp. 226–227, 231–266.
Doris Lessing, “Language and the Lunatic Fringe,” New York Times (26 June 1992), p. A27.
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Glazer, pp. 362–366.
Moore, pp. 373–377.
Erica Goode and Betsy Wagner, “Does Psychotherapy Work?” 17. S. News and World Report (24 May 1993), pp. 56–65.
Janice Krupnick and Harold Alan Pincus, “The Cost-Effectiveness of Psychotherapy: A Plan for Research,” American Journal of Psychiatry 149:10 (October 1992), pp. 1295–1305.
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Flanagan, p. 16.
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© 1994 Donald Mender
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Mender, D. (1994). Madness and Alienation. In: The Myth of Neuropsychiatry. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-6010-8_9
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