From Sin to Social Peace

The Origins of the Modern Treatments of Industrial Accidents
  • Tom Dwyer
Part of the Plenum Studies in Work and Industry book series (SSWI)

Abstract

The movement from craft and agricultural work to industrial labor brought about transformations in work relations.2 British mining has been subjected to well-documented changes: three peasant workers gathering coal in open cast operations using simple iron tools and a bucket3 gave way to large numbers of people working for wages, under supervision, and with a need to develop knowledge about their underground work world.4

Keywords

Injured Worker Safety Device Accident Rate Moral Outrage Industrial Capitalist 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 2.
    L. Mumford. 1950. Technique et Civilisation. Paris, Seuil. A lucidly written book about this transformation.Google Scholar
  2. 3.
    J. U. Nef. 1932. The Rise of the British Coal Industry, vol. 1, p. 416. London: Routledge and Sons. Discusses the case of the Jadson brothers who did this in 1583.Google Scholar
  3. 4.
    Nef, 1932, vol. 1, pp. 413–448, discusses the uneven transformation of the sector, observing that Elizabeth’s reign marked the beginning of a new era.Google Scholar
  4. 5.
    This statement merits, in itself, an essay. In the preindustrial era (and before financial incentives became effective), the extension of the working day beyond the physical capacities of workers constituted the major method of managing free labor. With the rise of industrialization, design and execution were separated and with this the organizational level became dominant.Google Scholar
  5. 6.
    E. Quint. 1979. Le phenomène accident. Le Travail Humain 42(1):87–104. This article cites Martin in Voltaire’s work Candide as reflecting the spirit of the times: “Let’s work without thinking; it is the only way to make life bearable” (p. 94).Google Scholar
  6. 7.
    Paracelsus, 1557, cited in Quinot, 1979, p. 87. Agricola. 1546. De Re Metallica cited in M. Valentin. 1978. Travail des Hommes et Savants Oublies, p. 21. Paris: Docis, attributes accidents to “ghostly creatures.”Google Scholar
  7. 8.
    Quint, 1979.Google Scholar
  8. 9.
    P. Ricoeur. 1960. Philosophie de la Volonte. Paris: Aubier, cited in Quinot 1979, p. 97. M. Douglas and A. Wildaysky. 1982. Risk and Culture, pp. 29–32. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. This book also discuss the cultural question.Google Scholar
  9. 10.
    Nef, 1932, vol. 2, p. 173.Google Scholar
  10. 11.
    B. Moore, Jr. 1978. Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt, pp. 458–459, 471. White Plains, N.Y.: Sharpe, cited in C. Gersuny. 1981. Work Hazards and Industrial Conflict, p. 8. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England (my emphasis).Google Scholar
  11. 12.
    Nef, 1932, vol. 2, p. 172.Google Scholar
  12. 13.
    J. Benson. 1980. British Coalminers in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History, pp. 6–7. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. By 1913 the labor force was over 1,127,000 and production 28 times its 1800 level.Google Scholar
  13. 14.
    D. Douglass. 1977. The Durham pitman, and, Pit talk in County Durham. in R. Samuel (ed.). 1977. Miners, Quarrymen and Saltworkers, pp. 207–295, 297–348. London: Rout-ledge and Kegan Paul (pp. 334–335).Google Scholar
  14. 15.
    Samuel, 1977, p. 60.Google Scholar
  15. 16.
    E. P. Thompson. 1963. The Making of the English Working Class (1968 edition). Harmondsworth, Penguin. This places Chartism in context.Google Scholar
  16. 17.
    P. Hair. 1968. Mortality from violence in British coal mines, 1800–50. The Economic History Review (2nd series) 21(3):545–561 (p. 555).Google Scholar
  17. 18.
    Children’s Employment Commission 1842. Reports from Commissioners, vol. 1, Parliamentary Papers, p. 145. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office.Google Scholar
  18. 19.
    Children’s Employment Commission 1842, vol. 1, p. 144. Emphasis in original.Google Scholar
  19. 20.
    In France we find a similar general polarization. P. Bance. 1976. Le Syndicalisme Ouvrier Français dans la Génèse du Droit du Travail (1876–1902). Ph.D. thesis: Université de Paris I, comments on the apathy with which workers and especially unions at the end of last century greeted the accident theme; and J. Rancière. 1981. La Nuit des Prolétaires. Paris: Fayard, relates the search for a society of free workers that was undertaken in the middle of last century. One key issue was to escape the constraints of a society in which apathetic workers were the norm.Google Scholar
  20. 21.
    E. J. Hobsbawm. 1964. Labouring Men, pp. 186–190. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson.Google Scholar
  21. 22.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 2, pp. 169–70.Google Scholar
  22. 23.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 2, p. 172.Google Scholar
  23. 24.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 2, p. 168.Google Scholar
  24. 25.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 1, p. 136.Google Scholar
  25. 26.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 1, p. 143.Google Scholar
  26. 27.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 1, p. 144.Google Scholar
  27. 28.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 1, p. 143.Google Scholar
  28. 29.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 2, pp. 169–170.Google Scholar
  29. 30.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 2, p. 169.Google Scholar
  30. 31.
    Children’s Employment Commission, 1842, vol. 2, p. 143, part 1 to Appendix, citing Dr. Mitchell’s report on South Durham.Google Scholar
  31. 32.
    Hair, 1968, provides the statistical base and information on employer orientations essential to the argument to be developed.Google Scholar
  32. 33.
    S. G. Checkland. 1964. The Rise of Industrial Society in England 1815–1885, p. 158. London and Harlow: Longmans Green.Google Scholar
  33. 34.
    Valentin, 1978, p. 176.Google Scholar
  34. 35.
    M. Berg. 1980. The Machinery Question and the Making of Political Economy 1815–1848, pp. 146ff. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
  35. 36.
    Select Committee on Accidents in Mines. 1835. Report from the Select Committee on Accidents in Mines. Parliamentary Papers, pp. 221–223. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office.Google Scholar
  36. 37.
    H. H. Holmes. 1816. A Treatise on the Coal Mines of Durham and Northumberland. London: Baldwin, Craddock and Joy. Holmes pointed out at this very early date that methane could explode if it penetrated the gauze too quickly and if the gauze became detached from the lamp, thus exposing the flame; falling pieces of coal, an accumulation of dust on the gauze, or coal dust particles igniting on contact with the gauze constituted further risks. This was discussed in D. Albury and J. Schwartz. 1982. Partial Progress—the Politics of Science and Technology, pp. 16–17. London: Pluto.Google Scholar
  37. 38.
    Children’s Employment Commission 1842, vol. 1, p. 140.Google Scholar
  38. 39.
    J. Rule. 1981. The Experience of Labour in Eighteenth Century Industry, p. 86. London: Croom Helm.Google Scholar
  39. 40.
    L. Quere. 1982. Des Miroirs Équivoques. Paris: Aubier Montaigne.Google Scholar
  40. 41.
    E. P. Thompson. 1967. Time, work-discipline and industrial capitalism. Past and Present 38:56–97.Google Scholar
  41. 42.
    Rule, 1981, p. 86. R. G. Neville. 1979. Accidents du travail, sécuritè dans la mine, maladies professionelles et indemnisation des accidents dans les regions minières de Yorkshire 1881–1926. Histoire des Accidents du Travail 7:45–81, reports that the percentage of accidental deaths from roof falls in Yorkshire increased from over 50% in 1881 to 56% in 1894 and 59% in 1921 (p. 55).Google Scholar
  42. 43.
    B. L. Hutchings and L. Harrison. 1903. A History of Factory Legislation, p. 39. Westminster: P. S. King and Son.Google Scholar
  43. 44.
    W. G. Carson. 1979. The conventionalisation of early factory crime. International Journal for the Sociology of Law 7:37–60 (p. 43).Google Scholar
  44. 45.
    J. Choi. 1984. The English Ten-Hours Act: Official knowledge and the collective interest of the ruling class. Politics and Society 13(4):455–478 (p. 461).Google Scholar
  45. 46.
    The Times, May 18, 1838, cited in Carson, 1979, p. 45.Google Scholar
  46. 47.
    J. A. Schmiechen. 1975. State reform and the local economy: An aspect of industrialisation in late Victorian and Edwardian London. The Economic History Review (2nd series), 28:413–428. Carson, 1979, p. 44, refers to an article in which “factory legislation was seen in this period as having potentially important effects on the competitive structure of the textile industry.”Google Scholar
  47. 48.
    See P. W. J. Bartrip and S. B. Burman. 1983. The Wounded Soldiers of Industry-Industrial Compensation Policy 1833–1897, pp. 83–96. Oxford: Clarendon Press, for a treatment of early measures in the coal sector. See H. Pelling. 1963. A History of British Trade Unionism, 2nd ed., p. 38. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, for a treatment of the role of the National Miners’ Association in the 1860 Act.Google Scholar
  48. 49.
    Hutchings and Harrison, 1903, pp. 114ff, discuss this move. Factory inspectorate reports quantify that accidents increased 21% in a semester. K. Marx. 1894. Le Capital-Livre III (1976 edition), p. 101. Paris: Editions Sociales. See Bartrip and Burman, 1983, pp. 63–66, on the “fencing controversy.”Google Scholar
  49. 50.
    Schmiechen, 1975, using data from a later period, shows that the enforcement of the laws led to a 40% increase in the unregulated male-tailoring workshop trade in Kensington between 1903 and 1907. See also the debate provoked by Schmiechen in J. Morris. 1982. State reform and the local economy. Economic History Review (2nd series) 35(2):292–300, and Schmiechen’s reply, pp. 301–305.Google Scholar
  50. 51.
    See Edmund Potter quoted in H. Perkin. 1963. The Origins of Modern English Society 1780–1880, p. 450. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul (emphasis in text).Google Scholar
  51. 52.
    P. Bartrip and P. Fenn. 1980. The Administration of Safety: The enforcement policy of the early factory inspectorate 1844–1864. Public Administration 58(1):87–102.Google Scholar
  52. 53.
    Pelling, 1963, pp. 38, 71. (I have used Bartrip and Burman’s spelling of Macdonald’s name.)Google Scholar
  53. 54.
    A. L. Friedmann. 1977. Industry and Labour,pp. 60ff. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, discusses developments relevant to labor issues.Google Scholar
  54. 55.
    By 1873 the two movements had over 100,000 members each. See Pelling, 1973, p. 72.Google Scholar
  55. 56.
    Le Comte de Paris. 1873. De la Situation des Ouvriers en Angleterre-Mémoire Presented la Commission d’Enquête sur les Conditions de Travail. Paris: Michel Levy Fres. This provides an interesting and detached account of this law and its measures regarding explosions, winding machinery, haulage, boilers, and manager training.Google Scholar
  56. 57.
    The parliamentary discussion around this bill shows worker representatives’ complaints about such delays. See Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates. 1872, vol. 209, p. 231ff, and vol. 211, p. 715.Google Scholar
  57. 58.
    Bartrip and Burman, 1983, pp. 67–68, see this as changing little from the 1844 Act.Google Scholar
  58. 59.
    R. Boudon. 1977. Effets Pervers et Ordre Social. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.Google Scholar
  59. 60.
    Hutchins and Harrison 1903; and Carson, 1979. A. E. Peacock. 1984. The successful prosecution of the factory acts, 1833–55. Economic History Review (2nd series), 37(2):197–210. See also the comments by P. Bartrip. 1985. Success or failure? The prosecution of the early factory acts. Economic History Review (2nd series), 33(3):423427; and in the same issue C. Nardinelli. 1985. The successful prosecution of the factory acts: A suggested explanation, pp. 428–430, and Peacock’s reply, pp. 431–436.Google Scholar
  60. 61.
    Neville, 1979, pp. 62–63, refers to studies that show inspectors attempting to put the blame for accidents on dead miners, thus exonerating owners. It seems that an unfavorable judgment of the inspectorate’s neutrality can also be applied beyond British shores: see P. Cassard and P. Hesse. 1980. L’inspection du travail et les accidents en Loire-Inferieure de 1894 a 1904. Histoire des Accidents du Travail 8:33–42; and R. Asher. 1986. Industrial safety and labor relations in the United States, 1865–1917, in C. Stephenson and R. Asher (eds.), 1986. Life and Labor: Dimensions of American Working Class History, pp. 115–130. Albany: State University of New York Press.Google Scholar
  61. 62.
    D. Eva and R. Oswald. 1981. Health and Safety at Work, p. 29. London: Pan. Neville, 1979, p. 64.Google Scholar
  62. 63.
    Bartrip and Burman, 1983.Google Scholar
  63. 64.
    In 1890 only 8% of industrial workers were unionized. See Friedmann, 1977, p. 65.Google Scholar
  64. 65.
    The first point about the availability of technology has been illustrated by taking the case of the Davy lamp. To illustrate the second point on politics: In the second half of the century the increase in the importance of piecework was associated with opposition to propping, since time spent at this activity directly reduced piece rate earnings. In the absence of controls on piecework and faced with declining propping practices a category of worker-timberman-eventually came into being to perform this task. See Samuel, 1977, p. 63. In spite of the high proportion of accidents historically associated with cave-ins, these do not generally result in large-scale politically important accidents, and in spite of technology being available for their prevention, it is only in the political climate of 1887 (which is explained later in the text) that a law is passed to effectively reduce related accidents by fixing a maximum distance between certain supports. The “most significant reduction in the accident rate from falls of ground followed immediately after the 1887 Act.” Royal Commission on Safety in Coal Mines. 1938. London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office. p. 248.Google Scholar
  65. 66.
    P. Aries. 1974. Western Attitudes towards Death, pp. 55–56. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
  66. 67.
    J. M. Roberts. 1976. The Pelican History of the World, pp. 637ff. Harmondsworth: Pelican (1980 edition).Google Scholar
  67. 68.
    Hair, 1968, p. 549.Google Scholar
  68. 69.
    E. J. Hobsbawm. 1968. Industry and Empire, pp. 94–95. Harmondsworth: Penguin.Google Scholar
  69. 70.
    J. Benson. 1979. L’Indemnisation pour accidents du travail accordee aux mineurs anglais et leurs ayants-droit 1860–1897. Histoire des Accidents du Travail 7:1–43 (p. 25). In addition, Benson states that the money raised through such appeals depended on a variety of factors: the participation of prominent citizens, other recent appeals, and the isolation of the mine.Google Scholar
  70. 71.
    J. Benson. 1974. Colliery disaster funds, 1860–1897. International Review of Social History 19(1):71–85 (p. 84).Google Scholar
  71. 72.
    Benson, 1979, p. 14.Google Scholar
  72. 73.
    Neville, 1979, p. 73.Google Scholar
  73. 74.
    A. Wilson and H. Levy. 1939. Workers Compensation (in two volumes). London: Oxford University Press, cited in Benson 1979, p. 18. See also Bartrip and Burman, 1983, Chapter 6.Google Scholar
  74. 75.
    Benson, 1979, p. 8.Google Scholar
  75. 76.
    G. Howell. 1902. Labour Legislation, Labour Movements and Labour Leaders. London: Fisher Unwin, cited in Benson, 1979, p. 28.Google Scholar
  76. 77.
    Thompson, 1963, p. 460, estimates the number of Friendly Society members at 925,429 in 1815. T. Tholfsen. 1976. Working Class Radicalism in Mid-Victorian England, p. 288. London: Croom Helm, estimates 1872 membership at 4,000,000.Google Scholar
  77. 78.
    Alain Cottereau discusses these associations in the French context. He takes pains to point out that a real debate existed as to whether production associations were forms of self-exploitation or instruments of resistance and contest. Refer to the introduction in D. Poulot. 1980. Le Sublime, p. 91. Paris: Maspero (original 1870); see also Tholfsen, 1976, p. 293ff.Google Scholar
  78. 79.
    Benson, 1979, p. 31.Google Scholar
  79. 80.
    Neville, 1979, p. 72.Google Scholar
  80. 81.
    Benson, 1979, p. 32.Google Scholar
  81. 82.
    Neville, 1979, p. 47.Google Scholar
  82. 83.
    Benson, 1979, p. 34.Google Scholar
  83. 84.
    Bartrip and Burman, 1983, show that Chamberlain referred to it in the election campaign that commenced in 1894 (p. 199), his original model being the German one (p. 205), “A Compensation Act for Workmen, irrespective of accident cause” (p. 199). Macdonald opposed the idea on the grounds that it would not force employers to engage in safety (p. 143). The Social Science Association referred to a scheme for German miners, in operation since 1865. See pp. 139–145 for the debate.Google Scholar
  84. 85.
    Anon. 1897. Employers’ liability: The German system. Journal of the Department of Labour (New Zealand), pp. 120–140 (p. 140). (Reprinted from the London Chronicle in an obvious desire to influence New Zealand developments.)Google Scholar
  85. 86.
    Anon. 1898. Journal of the Department of Labour (New Zealand), p. 76. Bismarck’s desire “to prove to the socialists that his programme was a positive one” is quoted here.Google Scholar
  86. 87.
    Bartrip and Burman, 1983, pp. 205–206.Google Scholar
  87. 88.
    A. Walker. 1981. The industrial preference in state compensation for industrial injury and disease. Social Policy and Administration 15(1):54–71 (p. 55).Google Scholar
  88. 89.
    Ibid. See also Bance, 1976, who notes two types of opposition to a similar French law of 1898: one from anarchist revolutionaries, for whom the provision would serve to postpone the revolution, the other from those who, seeing the state as their enemy, wanted friendly society or independent provisions. A. L. Stinchcombe. 1985. The functional theory of social insurance. Politics and Society 14(4):411–430, attributes to the strength of friendly society interests in Britain the option for a noncontributory scheme. Bartrip and Burman, 1983, p. 221, assess the British solution as a political compromise.Google Scholar
  89. 90.
    H. Heclo. 1974. Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden, p. 10. New Haven: Yale University Press. A. J. Heidenheimer, H. Heclo, and C. T. Adams. 1975. Comparative Public Policy, p. 189. London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, provides the following sample of dates of introduction: Denmark, 1898; France, 1898; Italy, 1898; Sweden, 1901; Netherlands, 1901; United States, 1908; Greece, 1914.Google Scholar
  90. 91.
    International Labour Office. 1923. Factory Inspection, p. 6. Geneva: International Labour Office.Google Scholar
  91. 92.
    W. Graebner. 1976. Coal Mining Safety in the Progressive Period, pp. 94, 148–149. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.Google Scholar
  92. 93.
    R. Asher. 1983. Failure and fulfillment: Agitation for employers’ liability legislation and the origins of workmen’s compensation in New York state, 1876–1910. Labor History 24(2):198–222. J. F. Tripp. 1976. An instance of labor and business cooperation: Workmen’s compensation in Washington state (1911). Labor History 17(4):530–550.Google Scholar
  93. 94.
    D. M. Berman. 1978. Death on the Job, pp. 4–24. New York: Monthly Review Press, adds some material on state moves in discussion on this area. W. Licht. 1986. The dialectics of bureaucratization: The case of nineteenth-century American railway workers, in Stephenson and Asher 1986, pp. 92–114, which contextualizes initiatives of individual employers in this sector.Google Scholar
  94. 95.
    M. Sojcher-Rousselle. 1979. Droit de la Sécurité et de la Santé de l’Homme au Travail. Brussels: Bruylant.Google Scholar
  95. 96.
    R. Lenoir. 1980. La notion de l’accident du travail: enjeu de luttes. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales 32–33:77–88, argues that the prevention of conflict was one of the major concerns behind the 1898 law. Y. Le Gall. 1981. La loi de 1898 sur les accidents du travail. Histoire des Accidents du Travail 10, 11. Two complete issues of the review are dedicated to Le Gall’s research which examines 15 years of parliamentary discussion around compensation. Employer support comes with social conflict outside and with the guarantee that their power in the firm will not be affected. F. Ewald. 1986. L’État Providence. Paris: Grasset. See also the report that gave rise to the above: D. Defert et al. 1977. Socialisation du Risque et Pouvoir dans l’Entreprise. Paris: Collège de France. (Unpublished report.)Google Scholar
  96. 97.
    J. Le Goff. 1985. Du Silence à la Parole: Droit du Travail, Société, État (1830–1985), pp. 8283. Quimperle and Quimper: Calligrammes and La Digitale. Valentin, 1978, pp. 227232.Google Scholar
  97. 98.
    R. De Reamer. 1980. Modern Safety and Health Technology, pp. 6–7. New York: John Wiley. Berman, 1978, pp. 10–15.Google Scholar
  98. 99.
    F. E. Bird and G. L. Germain. 1966. Damage Control, pp. 17–18. New York: American Management Association: “It is reasonably accurate to say that these early compensation laws so increased the cost of occupational injuries that employers were forced to find methods of reducing the injuries…. With insurance rates based on injury experience and costs, it was natural that the newly introduced industrial safety man, following management’s specific request, directed his attention to the injury associated accident.”Google Scholar
  99. 100.
    Graebner, 1976. For a more theoretical discussion about French norms see Ewald, 1986.Google Scholar
  100. 101.
    Robens (Lord). 1972. Safety and Health at Work, p. 19. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. Comte de Paris, 1873. See also D. Reid. 1981. The role of mine safety in the development of working class consciousness and organization: The case of the Aubin Coal Basin, 1867–1914. French Historical Studies 12:98–119.Google Scholar
  101. 102.
    P.-J. Hesse. 1982. Premier Congrès de l’Hygiéne des Travailleurs et des Ateliers (organise en 1904 par la CGT). Paris: l’Emancipatrice. This is a summary of the work in Histoire des Accidents du Travail, 12, in the section “fiches de lecture.” We see that subsequent to a diagnosis of problems in the workplace, a series of demands are made; in their majority these relate to state action and the necessity for its reinforcement. Although this is a first conference on the matter and demands will continue to grow, we can see how they are now channeled toward institutional solutions. For the United States, see Graebner, 1976, p. 72. “Whereas nineteenth century coal-mining safety laws had been the product of an operator-miner struggle within the legislature, twentieth century legislation was usually developed by a commission of operators, miners and other officials.” Graebner later observes that, against a background of a variety of factors, “interest in safety matters… declined considerably after 1912” in national union conventions (p. 130).Google Scholar
  102. 103.
    International Labour Organisation. 1968. The Role of Medical Inspection of Labour, p. 6. Geneva: International Labour Organisation. In Britain in 1844 certifying surgeons were charged with checking the age and physical fitness of children. The first Medical Inspector of Factories is appointed in 1898.Google Scholar
  103. 104.
    M. Hamilton. 1977. How others see us: The occupational health nurse’s view of the safety officer. Occupational Health June, 290–294. The first full-time industrial nurse was appointed in England in 1878 by Colmans at Carrow.Google Scholar
  104. 105.
    Valentin, 1978, p. 291. The term “industrial medicine” appears in French for the first time in 1906 with the construction of the Simplon tunnel and its accompanying tragedy.Google Scholar
  105. 106.
    At the beginning of the twentieth century, professional associations are formed and activities mark the foundation of safety engineering in the United States: 1906, the International Association for Labour Protection; 1911, the Mine Safety Association; 1912, the First Cooperative Safety Conference; 1912, United Society of Casualty Inspectors (in 1914 this is renamed the American Association of Safety Engineers). Various authors. 1986. The first 75 years. Professional Safety Supplement, October:1. H. W. Heinrich. 1959. Industrial Accident Prevention: A Scientific Approach, 4th ed., pp. 406ff. New York: McGraw-Hill.Google Scholar
  106. 107.
    L. W. Palmer. 1926. History of the safety movement. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 123(1):9–19.Google Scholar
  107. 108.
    Centre National des Arts et Métiers. 1906. Musée de Prevention des Accidents du Travail et d’Hygiène Industrielle, p. 10. Paris: Vuibert et Nony.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media New York 1991

Authors and Affiliations

  • Tom Dwyer
    • 1
  1. 1.Universidade Estadual de CampinasSão PauloBrazil

Personalised recommendations