Abstract
Marxist studies of urban problems often remind me of a children’s game I used to play with friends in the summer. We lay on the beach looking at the big, lazy clouds in the sky. We had to give them names, according to the images they evoked in each one of us. “It is a lion’s head.” “Nooo... they are two interlaced giants.” “Come on. It is a beautiful woman—the sleeping beauty.” All of us saw different things and argued very strongly in favor of the image we thought was the right one. We usually were bitterly divided over interpretations, and skillfully dialectic in defending them. At the same time, and this is what I remember best, our imagery developed according to a common paradigm. Images were taken mostly from the animal world, either human beings or beasts. We stuck to these very rigidly. While we were bitterly divided over interpretations, and very smart in pointing out how wrong others were, all of us were very loyal to our common standard. A cloud never was a big walnut tree, a medieval castle, or a Spanish galleon.
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References
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It is impossible, of course, to summarize in a few pages the intellectual processes that have mobilized vast human resources, have generated many theoretical debates, and have produced great, and often tragic, political confrontations. I also leave out several important aspects of Marxist research on territorial problems, for example, Mao Zedong’s and the Chinese views on the town–country problem—(L. Hoa, Reconstruire la Chine: Trente ans d’urbanisme, 1949–1979 (Paris: Editions du Moniteur, 1981); the extremist Cambodian theories about deurbanization; and the more pragmatic approaches by the Vietnamese—(Nguyen Duc Nhuan. Hoa, Reconstruire la Chine: Trente ans d’urbanisme, 1949–1979 (Paris: Editions du Moniteur, 1981); the extremist Cambodian theories about deurbanization; and the more pragmatic approaches by the Vietnamese—(Nguyen Duc Nhuan, “Désurbanisation du développement régional au Viet Nam Internation,” Journal of Urban and Regional Research 2 (1978): 330–350.
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Dependent countries continue to be strongly differentiated, despite their forced integration into the capitalist system. This phenomenon is the result of substantial original differences and of differences in the domination that colonial and postcolonial powers have imposed on them. Strongly different national and regional histories, societies, and economies result from these original differences. In turn, equally differentiated political systems emerge. When differences and inconsistencies in developing countries are examined, one must also take into consideration the specific circumstances that differentiate metropolitan countries. The existence of discontinuity and fragmentation in the developing world brings into question the use of “pure” paradigms to explain advanced societies.
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What is more, the study of marginality in less developed societies has also led to the examination from a different viewpoint of the existence of similar facts in more advanced societies. Analyses of the labor market structure in developing countries have, for instance, been helpful in formulating recent theories of the dual and segmented labor market in mature capitalist societies. It has underlined the need for a more careful, problem-oriented approach to social movements and forms of the economy. There is no need to remember how important the contributions by U.S. social scientists who have worked in developing countries have been in the study of unemployment and poverty in North American cities.
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Ibid., p. 12.
Ibid., p. 13.
Ibid., p. 13
Ibid., p. 14.
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Ceccarelli, P. (1984). Ex Uno Plures. In: Rodwin, L., Hollister, R.M. (eds) Cities of the Mind. Environment, Development, and Public Policy. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-9697-1_15
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