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In Search of the Indigenous Culture of the Canary Islands (1975–2012)

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An Archaeology of the Margins

Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in Archaeology ((BRIEFSARCHHERIT))

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Abstract

This chapter, which represents the central focus of the monograph, analyzes issues relating to the globalization of archaeological heritage management, the globalization of archaeology itself, and the recovery of the elitist heritage, cultural diversity, and the protection of heritage and the collective memory, all recurring themes in the management of cultural assets nowadays. Parallel to this, consideration is given to the lack of regional policies designed to extend the local community’s appreciation of the precolonial (Amazigh) heritage of the Canary Islands, in order to enhance the value of the indigenous archaeological heritage in society. The case of Gran Canaria is unique, as it is one of the few islands with an integrated heritage management policy that pays genuine attention to the indigenous past. Protection of the indigenous archaeological heritage is also analyzed in this chapter and, within this context, examples are provided of different archaeological parks and certain issues regarding tourism, conservation, and the social diffusion of archaeological heritage are discussed.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Article 39.9 of the Statutes of Autonomy of the Autonomous Community of the Canary Islands marked the exclusive transfer of responsibility for the historical, artistic, archaeological, ethnographic, and paleontological heritage to the Canarian Directorate-General for Historical Heritage.

  2. 2.

    The Island Council is a modern administrative body exclusive to the Canary Islands, whose origins lie in the councils or governing boards of the old regime. They are the administrative bodies that exist on each of the islands in the archipelago (El Hierro, La Gomera, La Palma, Tenerife, Gran Canaria, Lanzarote, and Fuerteventura).

  3. 3.

    The works of Cleere (1984 and 2000), Willems (2007), Smith and Waterton (2009), and Mauch and Smith (2010), among others, are illustrative in this respect.

  4. 4.

    See, for example, the work of Lyons and Papadopoulos (2002) Gosden (2004), Dietler (2010), Burchac, Hart, and Wobs (2010), Carlson and McHalsie (2010), or Lydon and Rizvi (2010), among others.

  5. 5.

    The work of the Moroccan linguist Ahmed Sabir (2008), focusing on an analysis of the linguistic and cultural parallels between the Canarian and Moroccan Amazigh environments, is an exception. This is the first publication in which a North African Moroccan researcher has engaged with the study of the indigenous Canarian world. However, Sabir’s work is closely tied to Canarian ethnohistorical sources which, as noted in the Introduction, were written by European colonialists and presented an ethnocentric view of the indigenous Canarian past. In addition, the work makes repeated use of concepts that are the result of this colonial legacy within Canarian archaeological discourse (pre-Hispanic, aboriginal, prehistory). The conceptual problematic within Canarian archaeology has been analyzed elsewhere (Farrujia, 2010). Sabir’s main contribution lies in contextualizing the cultural evidence of the indigenous Canarian culture in terms of indigenous Canarian words that have been preserved in the sources, using an ethnolinguistic approach. The study highlights the unquestionable Amazigh roots of the indigenous Canarian societies, although the research, in terms of African studies, is restricted to the present-day South Moroccan region.

  6. 6.

    The geostrategic importance of the Canary Islands has been reassessed since 1975 in light of the tripartite agreement on the Sahara, the Spanish–Moroccan treaties and Spain’s entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) following the referendum held in March 1986.

  7. 7.

    See Farrujia (2010 and 2012) for a detailed discussion of “eccentric” Canarian archaeology in relation to the vanguard centers of capitalist development. See also Díaz-Andreu (2012) for the case of Spanish archaeology in relation to a vanguard center such as Great Britain.

  8. 8.

    See, for example, the work of Pagán-Jiménez (2004) with regard to the Latin American case, which has many affinities with the Canarian one.

  9. 9.

    The Arab Spring is a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, and wars occurring in the Arab world that began on December 18th, 2010. To date, rulers have been forced from power in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, civil uprisings have erupted in Bahrain and Syria, major protests have broken out in Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, and Sudan, and minor protests have occurred in Lebanon, Mauritania, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti, and Western Sahara. There were border clashes in Israel in May 2011, and protests in Iranian Khuzestan by the Arab minority in 2011 as well. Weapons and Tuareg fighters returning from the Libyan civil war fueled the simmering conflict in Mali, which has been described as "fallout" from the Arab Spring in North Africa. The sectarian clashes in Lebanon were described as spillover violence from the Syrian uprising and hence the regional Arab Spring (Maddy-Weitzman, 2011).

  10. 10.

    The concept of the “single thought” refers to the translation, in ideological terms, of the claim for universality of the interests of a group of economic forces, in particular international capital, which ultimately monopolize all academic and intellectual forums. The first person to define this “single thought” as a conceptual unit was the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer, in his work: Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung (The World as Will and Representation), in 1819. Ramonet, who reintroduced the concept in 1995, predicted the dire consequences that would result from widespread adoption of this ideology and listed a series of phenomena that would, in his opinion, contract the notion that a period of prosperity would ensue following the generalization of beliefs, which he described as "single thought ". His view has proved prescient.

  11. 11.

    One of the last written testimonies that provides evidence of direct (ethnographic) access to indigenous Canarian traditions dates from the seventeenth century, when the British doctor and merchant Evan Pieugh, who was based in Tenerife, was able to visit certain indigenous burial caves and learn about some indigenous customs, including mummification. The indigenous people of the Güímar valley (in Tenerife) revealed this information to the British doctor as a way of thanking him for treating some members of their community free of charge. As Thomas Sprats noted, in response to the news, "It was a favour rarely, if ever, granted to anyone" (in Farrujia, 2004, p. 103).

  12. 12.

    Aguere is an indigenous toponym that means "lake” and refers to the natural lake in the municipality which dried up in the second half of the nineteenth century. The actual name of the city, La Laguna, comes from this indigenous legacy. The city is also known as “Ciudad de Los Adelantados,” as Adelantado (Captain General) Alonso Fernández de Lugo (the founder of La Laguna) and his descendants had their residence there.

  13. 13.

    The historic center of La Laguna lacks a specific inventory of the archaeological assets in the urban zone. The lack of knowledge and hierarchical structure of the urban archaeological heritage prevents any interrelation between the archaeological maps and urban planning designed to protect the urban historic landscape (Mestre, 2012). It is therefore not surprising that the Special Protection Plan for the La Laguna Historical Complex (July, 2005) contains no references to the archaeological heritage. The Plan is available at: http://www.gerenciaurbanismo.com/gerencia/GERENCIA/published/DEFAULT/planeamiento/pecasco_ad/1_memord/memord_1.pdf

  14. 14.

    In the case of the island of Tenerife, its Archaeological Museum is the driving force behind almost 100% of the diffusion and dissemination of the archaeological heritage on the island. Although many archaeological zones in Tenerife are protected as BICs, none have user value.

  15. 15.

    As in the Canary Islands there are no indigenous populations nowadays, the local community is mainly integrated by people of Spanish origins (born in the Canary Islands).

  16. 16.

    A similar problematic can be found in Canada, where aboriginal burial grounds throughout the country are threatened by developments associated with construction projects, road-building, dredging, and flooding. Many of the provincial laws protecting cemeteries mention aboriginal burial sites, however, in practice these laws have done little to prevent the desecration of aboriginal burial grounds (Blair, 2005).

  17. 17.

    The name “Júlan” comes from the plant known as julan or julian (ferula).

  18. 18.

    The El Hierro Town and Country Planning Island Plan (Decree 132/95 of 11 May) recognizes it as a Historic Reserve. The land is owned by the government of the Canary Islands.

  19. 19.

    A theoretical discussion of the use of the concept “art” to apply to rock evidence may be found in the work of Searight (2004) and Fraguas (2006).

  20. 20.

    The Canarian Plan for the Restoration and Conservation of the Historical Heritage (2000–2010) is currently being implemented in the Canary Islands, with the main objective of conserving the historical heritage of the Islands. The policy framework for the (regional) plan, which covers the whole archipelago and therefore overcomes the intrainsular situation, contains numerous measures for the Canarian archaeological heritage, some of which have already been implemented, such as the Cueva Pintada de Gáldar Archaeological Park and the La Gomera and La Palma Archaeological Museums. In addition, the Arqueomac transnational cooperation project, a Canary Islands government culture initiative from the Directorate-General for Cooperation and Cultural Heritage, aims to promote cooperation projects and technological and scientific transfers in the field of archaeology. Since 2010, four meetings have been held in the islands of Fuerteventura, El Hierro, the Azores, and Madeira, as well as a series of e-learning training courses, together with the publication of two books of abstracts and the presentation and development of the Macronesia geographical–archaeological information system (SIGAMAC). The problematic of archaeology and tourism in the Canary Islands has been one of the themes covered within the Arqueomac project.

  21. 21.

    Evidence of this can be seen in the promotion of some of its most important sites at international tourism fairs. In addition, the Gran Canaria Island Council, through the Culture and Historical Heritage Board, has made efforts to publicize them among the islanders through guided tours conducted by specialists. It has also published a guide to the archaeological heritage of Gran Canaria that indicates which sites can be visited, how to get to them, and so on (Velasco et al. 2001) and is involved in important information and awareness-raising measures through initiatives such as “Heritage for all” (http://www.estodotuyo.com), the information program “Heritage: open to all” and “Jonah and archaeology” (http://www.jonasyelpatrimonio.com). The Tourist Board offers a series of themed routes for discovering the archaeological heritage of the island.

  22. 22.

    Even the few publications that have covered the subject of archaeological tourism in the Canary Islands (Chávez and Pérez 2010; and Chávez et al. 2006) suffer from evident localism by failing to take the international frame of reference into account in their analysis.

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Farrujia de la Rosa, A. (2014). In Search of the Indigenous Culture of the Canary Islands (1975–2012). In: An Archaeology of the Margins. SpringerBriefs in Archaeology(). Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9396-9_4

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