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Facing the Future: Villagers’ Visions of Resilience

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Abstract

Disaster management, among other things, refers to the process of mitigating or avoiding the future impact of disasters, ideally in a sustainable manner. The accepted international framework of risk management assumes an opposition between an objective explainable environment and a biased subjectivity. This assumption is used to educate people about how to prepare themselves against possible hazards and how to control their environments. It is linked also to Western understandings of science, knowledge, enlightenment, and the assumed relationship between humankind and nature. The question of the way in which this Western-inspired and internationally propagated praxis of disaster management is suitable for the sociocultural-specific context of our research site is discussed in this chapter. It starts with an exploration of the association between orientations toward the future and the perception of and the preparation for (disaster-specific) risks. This chapter also focuses on understandings of a socioculturally specific sense of safety and the resources devoted to achieving it.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Gigerenzer (2008) and Slovic and Västfjäll (2010) formulate universalistic assumptions about human functioning; however in our research, the focus is on socioculturally specific collective and individual coping processes within the process of learning to live with ongoing hazards.

  2. 2.

    Results reported in section 15.2.1 are derived from a participatory research program conducted in 2011, five years after the earthquake. Several communal groups were invited to research meanings of and views about the future, stimulating a common discovery process. Due to the very open character of this research question and approach and our dependence on preexisting communal groups with their own interests and agendas, the research illuminated the diverse and rich understandings of future-oriented stances within three disaster-stricken village communities.

  3. 3.

    Adolescents, in particular, verbalized fears and related them to their possible futures with respect to the educational, vocational, and familial aspects of their lives.

  4. 4.

    This goal was usually voiced by children and adolescents and a gender difference was reflected in the type of answers given. In general, women reported feeling less obligated to take on a productive role. Some of the prospective jobs mentioned by girls were: teacher, doctor, beauty specialist, and nurse. Examples mentioned by boys included: soldier, police officer, doctor, teacher, entrepreneur, soccer or badminton player, and artist.

  5. 5.

    On the subject of work and career, economic issues were mainly presented as a challenge and possible future burden as participants were highly aware of the precarious economic situation of their families. This needs to be considered against the backdrop of a discourse on increased economic hardship in general (which is also due to global economic dynamics). In this regard, religion served as a source of hope in times of extreme poverty, while also acting as a reminder to exercise modesty and to adjust oneʼs hopes to the reality of one’s situation.

  6. 6.

    The concept of a “healthy walk” can be found in other contexts as well, usually combined with commemorations of certain events in the past. It consists of a joint walk in the surrounding area through several hamlets and the participants are usually automatically entered in a tombola as well. For the fifth annual commemoration of the earthquake, the tombola prizes included a motorbike and a goat.

  7. 7.

    Though not all villagers participated in these programs, the information still spread informally in forums not related to the disaster and through everyday encounters in village life. Furthermore, mass media spread information about the risks of living in a zone full of disaster-specific hazards.

  8. 8.

    The villagers had different opinions as to when the next earthquake will occur (in a few years, in 30, 50, or 100 years).

  9. 9.

    This drew attention to the volcano and it was a huge surprise to both officials and villagers when the earthquake struck Bantul at the end of May instead of an expected volcanic eruption.

  10. 10.

    http://miavita.brgm.fr/pressroom/Pages/ayearafterthe2010Merapieruption.aspx. Accessed 12 May 2013.

  11. 11.

    See also Prewitt Diazʼs (2008) concept of sense of place.

  12. 12.

    The relationship between disaster risk reduction, community empowerment, and community development was emphasized by communal leaders and villagers alike, and justified by underlining the value of self-sufficiency (mandiri) .

  13. 13.

    This power-reproducing organizational structure of communal disaster management is typical of village structures. All board members took on either official roles or informal, but respected, functions, such as neighborhood leaders or health cadres.

  14. 14.

    Originally, 30 sessions in three groups (separated for women, men, and youth) were planned, and then reduced by half due to protests from villagers. The community had been the target of an overwhelming amount of NGO-led programs (see Chap. 16), and reported boredom and increased time pressure as, in addition to completing the training sessions, they also had to handle the responsibilities of daily life as well as reconstruction after the disaster and resume their income-generating activities.

  15. 15.

    Some villagers assumed that invitations were granted based on favoritism from the communal elite. Nonparticipants had to rely on others who were willing to spread their knowledge.

  16. 16.

    These concerns were probably only raised at the time they were inquired about. After this, they may have been forgotten during daily routines.

  17. 17.

    Nondemocratic aspects of these discussion forums have been criticized by some, as it is only men who are invited and as it is usually those with a good standing in their community or with formal functions who make decisions.

  18. 18.

    For an explanation of the concepts of batin and lahir see Chaps. 11 and 13.

  19. 19.

    Other hazards, such as mudslides or volcanic eruptions, were perceived as irrelevant by villagers. The impact of these types of disasters would not extend as far as the villagersʼ place of residence. Floods were the only other risk mentioned.

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Acknowledgment

The editors would like to thank Devin Martini for her assistance in editing this chapter.

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Correspondence to Silke Schwarz .

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Schwarz, S. (2014). Facing the Future: Villagers’ Visions of Resilience. In: Zaumseil, M., Schwarz, S., von Vacano, M., Sullivan, G., Prawitasari-Hadiyono, J. (eds) Cultural Psychology of Coping with Disasters. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9354-9_15

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