Abstract
The Nordic welfare model, characterized by comprehensive welfare programs and generous welfare benefits, is suggested to provide several positive externalities for society and its citizens. Many of the features of the universal Nordic welfare state, such as low income inequality and poverty, could, however, also be important for the creation and maintenance of social capital. Nevertheless, there are also fears that features of universal welfare states deplete social capital.
Although previous studies show that social capital is strongly related to health and well-being most previous research in the field of social capital and health has focused on pure associations and ignored the significance of the broader institutional and political context for the creation and maintenance of social capital and its potential health consequences.
Using findings from cross-national European data from the European Social Survey (ESS), a first objective of this chapter is to scrutinize whether there are theoretical and empirical support that favors the “crowding out” hypothesis. Another objective of this chapter is to show some empirical evidence concerning whether levels of social capital in countries with different institutional characteristics and welfare policy also promote the overall health of societies.
The empirical data presented in the chapter chiefly shows that comprehensive welfare states do not seem to crowd out social capital. Universal welfare states of the Nordic model has the highest levels of social capital while lower levels were found in less comprehensive welfare states such as the Mediterranean and post-socialist countries. Positive correlations between total spending on social protection and levels of social capital also confirmed these findings, that is, countries that spend more on social protection have higher levels of social capital.
Furthermore, some final empirical findings in the chapter suggested that dimensions of social capital were associated with life expectancy at country level. Hence, countries with higher levels of social capital seem to have better population health. The analyses for instance suggested that countries included in the post-socialist regime type generally had low levels of social capital and low life expectancy, while social-democratic countries had very high levels of social capital and high life expectancy. By studying the significance of the welfare state for the social capital–health relationship, policy-makers could learn a great deal about how investments in equality and social goods (e.g., welfare) could influence social capital and its potential health consequences.
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Notes
- 1.
Informal social contacts were measured with the question: How often do you meet socially with friends, relatives, or work colleagues? 1 = “Never,” 2 = “Less than once a month,” 3 = “Once a month,” 4 = “Several times a month,” 5 = “Once a week,” 6 = “Several times a week,” 7 = “Every day.” Individual responses were aggregated to the country level. Country-level social contacts represent the mean value of individual responses.
- 2.
Countries included in the correlations between spending on social protection and social capital in Figs. 11.2, 11.4, 11.6, and 11.8 are Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Cyprus, Greece, Portugal, Spain, Bulgaria, Hungary, Estonia, Czech Republic, Latvia, Slovakia, Romania, Poland, and Slovenia. Some countries (Turkey and Croatia) were omitted due to a lack of indicators on spending on social protection.
- 3.
See http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/portal/page/portal/social_protection/data/database# for more information about measures of social protection benefits.
- 4.
Participation in associations was measured with the following two questions: There are different ways of trying to improve things in a country or helping prevent things from going wrong. During the past 12 months, have you done any of the following: worked in a political party or action group? 1 = “Yes,” 2 = “No”; worked in another organization or association? 1 = “Yes,” 0 = “No”. Those who had either worked in a political party or action group or in another organization or association were coded as having good formal social contacts. Country-level participation in associations represents the mean value of individual responses to this question.
- 5.
Social trust was measured with the question: Would you say that most people can be trusted, or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people? The responses varied from 0 (“You can’t be too careful”) to 10 (“Most people can be trusted”). Individual responses were aggregated to the country level. Country-level social trust represents the mean value of individual responses.
- 6.
Social resources were measured with the question: If for some reason you were in serious financial difficulty and had to borrow money to make ends meet, how difficult or easy would that be? The alternatives were “very difficult” (1), “quite difficult” (2), “neither easy nor difficult” (3), “quite easy” (4), “very easy” (5). Individual responses were aggregated to the country level. Country-level social resources represent the mean value of individual responses.
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Rostila, M. (2013). The Social Capital of Welfare States and Its Significance for Population Health. In: Kawachi, I., Takao, S., Subramanian, S. (eds) Global Perspectives on Social Capital and Health. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7464-7_11
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