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Party Development in the Old World: And in the New

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Abstract

This chapter discusses how well our understanding of political parties, based on the knowledge and models of political parties in established democracies, can help us to understand political parties in new democracies. Armed with concepts and models from the party literature, party scholars have tried to make sense of the vastly expanded universe of parties in the wake of the third wave of democratization. Are parties and party systems in newer democracies very different from parties in established democracies? And if so, are there commonalities between parties in newer democracies? This chapter revisits the debate on parties and democracy while discussing three related topics (typologies, functions, and contrasts of parties between old and new democracies) within the study of political parties to discuss the extent to which our understanding of political parties in established democracies is adequate when applied to new democracies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Others, as, for example, Carbone (2003) argued that it was a de facto one-party system.

  2. 2.

    For critical views on party functions, see King (1969) and Scarrow (1967).

  3. 3.

    Accessed 09.12.2011.

  4. 4.

    However, it should be noted that several authors (Bertoa and Mair 2010; Pop-Eleches 2010; Sikk 2005) emphasize lack of party system consolidation as well as variations between countries.

  5. 5.

    Von Beyme’s (1985: 29–136) categories were (1) liberal and radical parties, (2) conservative parties, (3) socialist and social democratic parties, (4) Christian Democratic parties, (5) communist parties, (6) agrarian parties, (7) regional and ethnic parties, (8) right-wing extremist parties, and (9) ecology movement.

  6. 6.

    ‘Relevant’ in the sartorial sense of parties that may impact on government formation, either as a coalition partner or as a party that is able to exercise considerable influence (‘blackmail potential’) on party competition (Sartori 1976).

  7. 7.

    Lack of membership in international party organizations could also reflect lack of interest or financial capacity to become members. SI has a list of 32 observer parties that have failed to pay their membership fee. However, there are also incentives for new parties to be included in the organization.

  8. 8.

    Accessed 14.12.2011.

  9. 9.

    See also (Colomer and Escatel 2005) who finds that most Latin American voters locate themselves on the left–right dimension, but that many voters are alienated from the party system, indicating a lack of a similar dimension among the parties.

  10. 10.

    This is a subset of a more extensive set of functions discussed in (Dalton and Wattenberg 2002).

  11. 11.

    As illustrated by the fallout from the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya.

  12. 12.

    See, for example (Rakner 2003).

  13. 13.

    In general, Rakner and Skage find that democratic consolidation is more likely in states where liberation movements have overturned an internal authoritarian regime (Rakner and Skage 2011).

  14. 14.

    This view is echoed by those who emphasize the problems of fundamental party change, see (Harmel and Janda 1994).

  15. 15.

    Even after being ousted from power and barred from reentering politics, Thaksin’s party again succeeded in 2010—with his sister as the party leader.

  16. 16.

    Malawi offers several examples of this. G. Chakwumba founded the Republican Party in 2004, and although he was the presidential candidate for an opposition alliance against the United Democratic Front (UDF), he immediately joined the UDF government when offered a cabinet post, against the preference of the parties’ MPs and in the process tried to de-register the party he had founded.

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Svåsand, L. (2013). Party Development in the Old World: And in the New. In: Müller, W., Narud, H. (eds) Party Governance and Party Democracy. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6588-1_13

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