Abstract
This chapter examines the social sustainability of the tourism industry in Galapagos critically, from its inception in the 1960s, dominated by live-aboard cruises, to the present day as island-based touring has gained momentum over the “floating hotel” cruise ship model. While the economic and environmental implications of this shift have been described, the industry’s social and cultural effects have rarely been considered. In particular, how today’s residents of the archipelago are engaged in the tourism industry, and who controls and benefits from those engagements, are at the heart of this inquiry. Based on research conducted in the islands between 2007 and 2010, this chapter uses cluster analysis of a large survey of Galapagos residents to identify social and demographic characteristics that are conducive to supporting particular types of development and conservation. Responses to economic restrictions or perceived lack of opportunities are investigated through cases of illicit environmental behavior. Finally, the benefits and costs of the current tourism model are considered in the context of long-term management and social sustainability. In the absence of meaningful regulations, the industry’s unprecedented growth in recent years has exacerbated social stratification within the resident population, leading to individual acts of resistance against regulations which, along with a lack of regulation, increases the potential for irreversible environmental impacts.
No existe desarrollo sostenible [There’s no such thing as sustainable development] (Isabela Island hotel owner, 2008).
Poaching remains a serious threat and eco-tourism an even more serious threat. The Galapagos are being destroyed by both poachers and eco-tourism (Sea Shepherds Captain Paul Watson, 2011).
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Notes
- 1.
In this chapter, the term “galapagueño” refers to a permanent resident of the islands but, in colloquial use, is often reserved for descendants of the original colonists. In general, “resident” will be used to distinguish legal permanent residents from migrants and visitors.
- 2.
Representatives of Galapagos conservation organizations often consider park officials, tourists, and tourism acceptable human influences, but not local populations. Although they rightly point to a history of unsustainable resource extraction by local communities, they do not acknowledge the similarly poor environmental track record of tourism (cf. Terborgh and van Schaik 2002).
- 3.
Despite the fact that Finch Bay operates its own shuttle service and on-site farm, Sevilla recently argued that “licensed operators should be prohibited from vertical integration. In other words, tour operators should not be able to have their own on-land passenger transport service or be direct producers of food for tourists. This will allow more citizens to benefit from tourism as suppliers, even if they are not direct tourism service providers” (Sevilla 2008: 26).
- 4.
The altercation on Baltra was followed by Molina’s 2008 dismissal from the GNPS by the Environmental Minister for insubordination, following her refusal to grant additional cupos to Sevilla.
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Brewington, L. (2013). The Double Bind of Tourism in Galapagos Society. In: Walsh, S., Mena, C. (eds) Science and Conservation in the Galapagos Islands. Social and Ecological Interactions in the Galapagos Islands, vol 1. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5794-7_6
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