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The Fall (1870–1872)

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Le Verrier—Magnificent and Detestable Astronomer

Part of the book series: Astrophysics and Space Science Library ((ASSL,volume 397))

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Abstract

Despite the good will of the Emperor, of whom Le Verrier was one of the most loyal supporters, the ravages inflicted on the Observatory by his difficult character could not be overlooked by the authorities. The situation became insupportable over the years, and the abscess would finally burst in 1868, leading, 2 years later, to the Dictator’s dismissal – an extraordinary event occurring at a period when elites generally flourished with impunity. Here’s how it all came about.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    *Flammarion (1911), pp. 511–512.

  2. 2.

    *Flammarion (1911), pp. 514–516.

  3. 3.

    BOP, Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (4), folder G.

  4. 4.

    The report says rightly elsewhere: “These exceptional and free works are those which lead most often to discoveries, and bring glory to the observatories where they have been performed.”

  5. 5.

    These texts, as well as all regulations concerning the Paris Observatory from 1854 to 1872 and other interesting texts were collected by G. Bigourdan at the BOP in Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (3) (4) et (6).

  6. 6.

    BOP, Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (4), folder V.

  7. 7.

    Observatoire Impérial de Paris. Rapport fait en décembre 1869 par M. Le Verrier, pp. 1–24, s.d., Paris, Gauthier-Villars.

  8. 8.

    The minutes of the Observatory council meetings are at the BOP in Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (3), folder Z.

  9. 9.

    Marié-Davy’s paper is *CRAS 69 (1869), pp. 1154–1158; curiously, it is under the section ­“meteorology,” and was presented by Delaunay not Le Verrier; the latter did not appreciate such observations. Marié-Davy was probably intending to continue them but was not allowed to do so.

  10. 10.

    Le Verrier Lucile (1994), pp. 41, 45, 52, 61 et 74.

  11. 11.

    However during the seventeenth century one observed from outside the building, because of the extreme focal lengths of the “aerial” refractors. The inadequacy of the building was less crippling than later, when it became necessary to roll the instruments onto the terrace for observing.

  12. 12.

    On Claude Perrault and the construction of the Observatory, see Wolf (1902) and Picon (1988).

  13. 13.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 776–781.

  14. 14.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 1060–1073.

  15. 15.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 1073–1081.

  16. 16.

    Ironically, the Marseille observatory was also soon surrounded by Haussmann- type ­buildings. Its only advantage over the one in Paris was the superior number of clear nights.

  17. 17.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 1099–1106.

  18. 18.

    This is to some extent the present situation. But observations are mostly performed in places located far from the cities, and especially overseas.

  19. 19.

    *CRAS 66 (1868), pp. 17–21. Le Verrier’s answer is pp. 21–29 and pp. 53–63, followed by a new intervention of YvonVillarceau pp. 63–68, and by another answer of Le Verrier pp. 68–76. The following year, Le Verrier still felt obliged to show, using many results of observations with Gambey’s meridian circle, with a mercury bath defining the direction of the vertical, that “the vibrations of the ground don’t affect the observations performed at the Paris Observatory” (*CRAS 68 (1869), pp. 157–161).

  20. 20.

    *CRAS 68 (1869), pp. 207–220.

  21. 21.

    BOP, Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (3), folder Z. Delaunay was then the director, after the dismissal of Le Verrier.

  22. 22.

    BOP, Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (3), folder AP.

  23. 23.

    Mouchez, E.: Rapport annuel sur l’état de l’Observatoire de Paris, année 1883. Paris, Gauthier-Villars (BOP) (1884).

  24. 24.

    *CRAS 79 (1874), pp. 1018–1024.

  25. 25.

    Here, Faye alludes to Kirchoff’s creation of a solar observatory in Berlin.

  26. 26.

    Archives de l’Académie des sciences, files Tresca and Hippolyte Fizeau.

  27. 27.

    For a biography, that we used extensively, see Launay (2008).

  28. 28.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 49–51.

  29. 29.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 89–93.

  30. 30.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 121–135.

  31. 31.

    Also, the period of its revolution around the planet was only published in 1659.

  32. 32.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), p. 202.

  33. 33.

    *CRAS 65 (1867), pp. 185–194. These other letters are from Pascal to Boyle, Hooke, Gassendi, Father Mersenne, Descartes, etc., and from Newton to Mariotte and to less known people.

  34. 34.

    *CRAS 68 (1869), p. 1432.

  35. 35.

    See *Flammarion (1911), p. 486.

  36. 36.

    For a list of Chasles’ publications in the Comptes rendus, see the index in *CRAS,table générale des t. 62 à 91 (1888), pp. 116–120.

  37. 37.

    *CRAS 68 (1869), pp. 1425–1433; 69 (1869), pp. 5–24, 72–95, 213–230.

  38. 38.

    Mémoire sur l’état actuel de l’Observatoire impérial, présenté par les astronomes à son exc. le Ministre de l’Instruction publique. Paris, Lahure, 1870. Accessible via http://www.e-rara.ch/doi/10.3931/e-rara-3100.

  39. 39.

    Daubenton had an uncritical attachment for Buffon, borne of admiration and respect, and lived in his shadow until the latter’s death in 1788.

  40. 40.

    YvonVillarceau had already addressed a printed complaint to the Emperor, which was probably distributed more extensively, where he details these exactions: BOP, Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (3), folder T.

  41. 41.

    This was probably true, but the astronomers were ungrateful. They had forgotten that lobbying through this association had raised 395,000 francs for the large reflector and refractor. However, the main purpose of the association was to support meteorology, which was not to everyone’s taste at the Observatory.

  42. 42.

    BOP, Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, cote 3567 (3), folder AP.

  43. 43.

    *Ollivier (1895/1915): see t. 12 (1908), pp. 526–530.

  44. 44.

    This discourse is in Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, 3567 (3), folder AL; extensive extracts in Levert et al. (1977).

  45. 45.

    This commission has almost the same composition as that of 1867: admiral Fourichon, rear-admiral Baron Didelot, Liouville, Serret, Briot (professor at the Faculty of sciences), Breguet (the famous instrument builder) and Maisonneuve.

  46. 46.

    Documents divers sur l’Observatoire de Paris, 1854–1872, 3567 (3), folder AM.

  47. 47.

    Version of *Ollivier, (1895/1915), t. 12 (1908), pp. 526–530. That given by *Flammarion (1911), p. 522 is slightly different.

  48. 48.

    These letters and drafts are preserved at the BOP, MS 1060-1.

  49. 49.

    Cited by Danjon (1946c), p. 380.

  50. 50.

    BOP, MS 1060-1.

  51. 51.

    *CRAS 72 (1871), pp. 611–612.

  52. 52.

    Bigourdan (1933), p. A.65.

  53. 53.

    BOP, MS 1060-1.

  54. 54.

    This figure is much too small. The requested total of 220,000 francs is inexact; but if one considers it as correct, the total sum for the salaries apart from that for the director is 37,000 francs, which looks more reasonable.

  55. 55.

    There was indeed a meteorological station at Montsouris, distinct from the meteorological service of the Observatory: see later and Chap. 9.

  56. 56.

    This text and the following ones are at the BOP, MS 1060-1.

  57. 57.

    Thiers was then the President of the Republic.

  58. 58.

    See Bigourdan (1933), pp. A.73–A.81.

  59. 59.

    BOP, MS 1060-1. The Bureau proposes the following annual salaries for the personnel: For Paris, director 15,000 francs, two astronomes titulaires 8,000, six astronomesadjoints 3,500–5,500, head of the bureau of calculations 5,500, aides-astronomes and calculators 1,500–2,500; For Marseille, director 8,000, one astronome adjoint 4,500 or 5,500, two aides-astronomes 1,500–2,500.

  60. 60.

    Observatoire de Paris. Rapport présenté à la Commission d’inspection par le directeur de l’Observatoire, 31 May 1872, 12 p., Paris, Gauthier-Villars.

  61. 61.

    See Lequeux (2008), pp. 331–336.

  62. 62.

    Cited by Levert et al. (1977), p. 164.

  63. 63.

    Annales des Mines, 7esérie, vol. 2 (1872), accessible by http://www.annales.org/archives/x/delaunay.html.

  64. 64.

    This is a surprising assertion, knowing that Le Verrier had intervened underhandedly against Delaunay. There is no other trace of this alleged agreement between the two men. Yvon Villarceau was perhaps trying to insure his future by marrying the goat with the cabbage, so to speak.

  65. 65.

    Le Verrier Lucile (1994).

  66. 66.

    This was a superb chateau that still exists on the Roucas Blanc hill, in the heart of Marseille, property of Paulin Talabot (Fig. 6.9), chief engineer of the Bridges and Roads, an inspired businessman who had created the Paris-Lyon-Mediterranean (PLM) company of railroads, of which at the time he was the general director.

  67. 67.

    More details in *CRAS 72 (1871), pp. 269–270.

  68. 68.

    This is probably the visit of “astronomers” to Thiers in Septembre 1871, to which we alluded previously; this visit was therefore solicited by Thiers.

References

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Lequeux, J. (2013). The Fall (1870–1872). In: Le Verrier—Magnificent and Detestable Astronomer. Astrophysics and Space Science Library, vol 397. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5565-3_6

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