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Charismatic Leadership’s Agency: Social Construction and Transformation of Meaning

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Abstract

This chapter will offer an analysis of the charismatic leadership’s agency in the construction and transformation of reality and meaning. The level of analysis will be mainly confined to the micro and messo levels and will focus on the followers’ perceptions and engagement in these processes.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Transcript A/4/1.

  2. 2.

    The Straits Times, 14 Nov 1989.

  3. 3.

    Transcript A/4/4.

  4. 4.

    Transcript B/17/1.

  5. 5.

    Transcript B/12/12.

  6. 6.

    This is especially for the English-speaking theater practitioners. The term “English-speaking” here refers to Singaporeans of Chinese descent, whose education at school was in the English language.

  7. 7.

    Transcript B/7/1, 3.

  8. 8.

    Transcript A/2/9.

  9. 9.

    Transcript B/7/12.

  10. 10.

    Transcript A/1/5.

  11. 11.

    Kuo (1997a) op. cit., p. 1.

  12. 12.

    Transcript A/4/5.

  13. 13.

    See, for example, Herbert Mead’s (1934) treatment of the formation of the self.

  14. 14.

    Ibid.

  15. 15.

    The Straits Times, 20 Jan 1997.

  16. 16.

    Yu Yun in Kuo (2000).

  17. 17.

    The man recalls thinking at that point: “Can you imagine that the coffin of your grandfather cannot get into the hole specially dug for him on the day of his funeral? And in front of two hundred people? We were speechless. We were literally stunned. We just stood there and looked at each other. Nobody said a word. It must have been the funniest thing that had ever happened in the entire funeral history of mankind.”

  18. 18.

    For which the government official says: “Look at all these graves in the cemetery. See? All same size. No two graves for one person. Everyone standard size!…(To allocate another plot) will be running against our national planning. You are well aware of the fact that we are a densely populated nation with very limited land resources. The consideration for humanity and sympathy cannot over-step the constraints of the state policy!”

  19. 19.

    The Protagonist says at the end of the play: “As for me, the funeral somehow stuck in my mind and it would often come back to me. In a dream. Especially when I’m frustrated.

    I’m sure you’ll agree with me that grandfather’s coffin had its special charisma and unique character. But the problem was it was too big for the hole. So, under the circumstances, to be pragmatic, it seems I have to get a standard-sized one. But then, whenever I get to go to the cemetery and see those graves—those rows after rows of standard-sized graves, I cannot resist thinking about the other problem, and this is what really bothers me a lot: ‘Now, with them all in the same size and the same shape, would my sons and daughters, and my grandsons and granddaughters after them, be able to find me out there and recognize me?’

    I don’t know…I just don’t know…”

  20. 20.

    Transcript C/1d/8–9.

  21. 21.

    The theme of heritage comes up in LaoJiu—The Ninth Born Son, (1990); homogenization and regimentation are explored in The Coffin is Too Big for the Hole, (1985); No Parking on Odd Days, (1986) looks at alienation; the play Kopitiam (1986) explores tradition; communication is a theme in Mama Is Looking for Her Cat (1988); and socialization is an issue in The Silly little Girl and the Funny Old Tree, (1987).

  22. 22.

    People say this about him, “he is a thinking man, constantly thinking, asking himself, dialoguing with himself and dialoguing with other people. And his plays actually show this thinking process.” (Interview C/1d/8). Indeed, many people subscribe to the notion that Pao Kun is an extremely serious person. For example, one interviewee says: “If you ask me to go and socialize with Pao Kun, I can’t, he’s too intense for me. (…) I need levity, I need fun, and I need relaxation. (But) with Pao Kun it’s hundred percent on! (…) Too intense (for me). Too serious, too serious. (…) There is a lot of humor in his plays but in real life he is not funny. He is very serious, he talks to you and you know that he thinks about what he talks to you, he is very deliberate. Every sentence is thought through. He doesn’t give you a sentence off the cuff like what I’m doing now, that some of it is rubbish, right? He doesn’t. Nothing comes out of him must be rubbish, so it’s like he thinks it through and then he talks to you. So what do you do? Then I can’t talk to him the way I talk to you now” (Transcript B/10/20).

  23. 23.

    Transcript C/1d/9.

  24. 24.

    The protagonist says: “Now. ‘That’s a sign of him growing up,’ I said to my wife. ‘He’s maturing,’ I said. ‘That’s normal, they get more quiet as they grow, as they get wiser. You know wise men are always more thoughtful, quieter characters.’ Well, he didn’t ask me about that story again. He became more and more quiet and gradually the questions didn’t come anymore.” (Kuo, 1990, p. 68).

  25. 25.

    Transcript A/4/5.

  26. 26.

    Singlish is briefly explained in Chap. 7.

  27. 27.

    Transcript A/4/4.

  28. 28.

    Seet (1992, pp. 244–245).

  29. 29.

    Transcript A/2/5.

  30. 30.

    Transcript A/4/4.

  31. 31.

    More so with the later plays which lost the previous humoristic, light style. An interviewee says later plays like The Spirits (1998) and The Eunuch Admiral (1995) that “He doesn’t care, having a full (play) talking with spirits. It’s just HEAVY, and you are asked to swallow heavy issues with a tough stomach. I think he goes to less pleasing plays and his latest works are more difficult to be entertained by. But they are serious and good works. Like (his version) of the ‘Eunuch’ (play is like) the bad ginger—and gunshot—and you can see what he really wants (to say): A lot of oppression, suppression, a lot of being pushed and fighting back—by time, by issues, by concepts, by yourself, by many, many things.” (Transcript A/2/4).

  32. 32.

    Transcript B/13/5.

  33. 33.

    Transcript B/10/11.

  34. 34.

    Transcript B/2/8.

  35. 35.

    Transcript A/4/4.

  36. 36.

    One theater practitioner said about it: “Mama Is Looking for Her Cat introduced a multilingual element into playwriting. The idea was enormously influential in the sense that everybody thought that plays from now on ought to be written in this way (…) When he implemented this idea, multiculturalism as a philosophical idea became influential (…) I think many people saw as a landmark.” (Transcript A/13/2,4,8).

  37. 37.

    Kuo (1990) op. cit., Introduction.

  38. 38.

    There are four “official languages” in Singapore: English, Mandarin Chinese, Malay, and Tamil. In the past, Singapore’s ethnic Chinese population would often speak the Chinese dialect of their forefathers and in the early 1970s, for example, it was possible to find advertisements in the “Classified” section of The Straits Times for language classes instructing in Hokkien—a dialect from Fuchien Province in China. In the mid 1970s, the decision was taken by the government that all Chinese instruction, and the national usage of Chinese, would be in Mandarin.

  39. 39.

    Transcript B/10/7.

  40. 40.

    Transcript A/4/5.

  41. 41.

    Ibid.

  42. 42.

    The play is based on the history of Great Admiral Zheng He, a eunuch of the Ming Emperor of China who, over a period of 3 decades, had extended the Emperor’s gaze over territories from India to Arabia.

  43. 43.

    Kuo (1995, pp. 4–5).

  44. 44.

    Transcript B/8/5.

  45. 45.

    Transcript B/10/12.

  46. 46.

    “Peranakan” is the term applied to Straits-born Chinese people who have adopted some Malay customs. “Peranakan” is a Malay word meaning “descendant.” It comes from the root word “anak” meaning “child.”

  47. 47.

    Transcript B/7/3.

  48. 48.

    Ibid.

  49. 49.

    Transcript B/10/7,12.

  50. 50.

    “KPK” was the interviewee’s own abbreviation for Kuo Pao Kun.

  51. 51.

    Transcript A/2/9.

  52. 52.

    These three themes can be found in No Parking on Odd Days (1986), The Silly Little Girl and the Old Tree (1987), and Mama Is Looking for Her Cat (1988).

  53. 53.

    Transcript A/4/4.

  54. 54.

    Between the years 1991 and 1993, Kuo launched a project (within the Substation’s programs) that embarked on the recovery and reflection of people’s memories, and cognitive and emotional reflections that were meaningful for people, focusing on things that are intangible, nonmaterial yet valuable and meaningful to the sense of self.

  55. 55.

    Transcript B/18/15.

  56. 56.

    Transcript A/5/4–5.

  57. 57.

    Transcript B/5/3.

  58. 58.

    Transcript B/10/5.

  59. 59.

    These contextual dimensions were elaborated in Chap. 6.

  60. 60.

    It was a dramatic government decision to have Singaporeans speak English in order to be competitive in the international economic market. Later on, a similar decision was made in regard to Mandarin, both as a means to unify all Chinese dialects and to be economically viable to deal with China that was opening at that time to the global market. This decision indeed contributed to Singapore’s appeal for multinational corporations that could then efficiently communicate with the Singapore labor force. Singaporeans admit that such language was economically “profitable,” but lamented its consequences on other dimensions of life.

  61. 61.

    Transcript B/10/6, 7.

  62. 62.

    Transcript E/8/7–8.

  63. 63.

    Her World magazine April 2000, p. 178.

  64. 64.

    Ibid., p. 180.

  65. 65.

    For example, an interviewee said that he even came for Prema’s advice in regard to the frequency of sex that people should have. (That is in spite of the fact that Prema herself avoids sexual activities). Her advice was: “if it is a spiritual husband then twice a month should be enough. Otherwise he wastes energy that should be spent on spirituality” (Transcript E/9/7).

  66. 66.

    Transcript E/3/12.

  67. 67.

    Transcript E/8/3.

  68. 68.

    Transcript E/16/4.

  69. 69.

    Examples of this can be found in transcripts E/3/4, E/20/4, E/7/1, and E/10/5.

  70. 70.

    Transcript E/1/9, 11.

  71. 71.

    Transcript E/15/1.

  72. 72.

    According to Erikson’s typology (1967), such a condition would be considered as a type of crisis that makes people “charisma hungry.”

  73. 73.

    Transcript E/14/4.

  74. 74.

    Transcript E/19/2.

  75. 75.

    Transcript E/14/3.

  76. 76.

    Most of the volunteers link the “reactivation” of their own belief systems or disciplines (like Buddhism, Taosim, Hinduism, Christianity, Yoga) to a sense of existential meaning. Their “turning” to religions enabled a kind of existential framework, but they all sensed that, although it gave some answers and directions, it did not fully turn their life into something meaningful. In other words, there was still a need for a well-rounded sense of meaning.

  77. 77.

    Transcript E/15/2.

  78. 78.

    Transcript E/20/4.

  79. 79.

    Transcript E/19/1.

  80. 80.

    Transcript E/17/3.

  81. 81.

    Transcript E/8/3.

  82. 82.

    This implies that joining Prema’s social service is not only a symptom of the personalized interpretation of metaphysical ideas but also further internalizes the ideas by intensifying the measure of the understanding and the acceptance of the ideas.

  83. 83.

    Transcript E/19/4.

  84. 84.

    People say that the rate of people burning out is high among those who do social service work. Volunteers say, for example: “those people are very difficult people to deal with because they are very bitter and angry and frustrated” (Transcript E/5/1) or “It is very difficult to do charity. You get burned out very fast. They are not easy people, they are frustrated and unhappy, so they are demanding and it is hard to keep on doing it (…) actually in her Prema’s case it is very difficult to be compassionate because some of the old folks can be very demanding” (Transcript E/17/3).

  85. 85.

    Examples of this can be found in transcripts E/1/1, 4; E/13/2; E/14/2; E/9/5; and E/14/2.

  86. 86.

    See Bunnang (1984, pp. 159–170).

  87. 87.

    This type of charisma is what Marcus (1969) would have called “transcendental charisma.” He argued that there exists a particular type of transcendental charisma, one that is “in contrast to various movements of withdrawal, (but) is identified with participation, and that seeks its goal within time.” According to Marcus, such charismatic leader “finds the ‘break-through’ in the individual’s contribution to the purposes of history,” and “focuses his quest for transcendence back into worldly and social activism” (1969, pp. 236–237).

  88. 88.

    Transcript E/10/4.

  89. 89.

    The simplicity of her approach and the obviousness of it to her was the probable reason why Prema was irritated by our research. She told other followers about the research interviews and said of the interviewer: “why does she need to ask so many questions, so many people? It is very simple: there are many people in need, and we have to help. Why can’t she understand?”

  90. 90.

    Transcript E/5/5.

  91. 91.

    Transcript E/10/3.

  92. 92.

    Transcript E/3/14.

  93. 93.

    : 18/90–100.

  94. 94.

    : 5/203.

  95. 95.

    : 14/344.

  96. 96.

    Transcript E/8/3.

  97. 97.

    Transcript E/1/4.

  98. 98.

    Transcript E/4/2.

  99. 99.

    A volunteer says, for example: “service to God is service to humanity. To love God means to service humanity. It goes in parallel…if you have love for God—you have love for his created beings. It means that you can see God in each created being. It is one of the ways to show your love to God, to express your love to God” (E/6/2–3). In a similar way, for a Hindu volunteer, helping the needy is a practical implementation of the belief in self-purification and perfection that his belief system preaches about. He says that “As a Hindu, I believe that we are part of God, and we are here to learn and correct, so that we will be able to unite with him. And as long as we will not learn and correct ourselves, we will have to come back to this life again and again. So if I correct myself in this life (by helping the needy), I will not have to come back to this world, and I will be able to unite with God” (E/10/5).

  100. 100.

    It is peculiar that architects use the words, the “voice” of the profession (e.g., D/8/1; D/13/6; D/16/14; D/18/3, 10) when referring to Tay. It may literally imply Tay’s tendency to explore issues of concern to the profession (its content, process, training methods, and others). It may symbolically express his stature in the community (e.g., people say that he is “guarded quite as a sort of icon, one of the towering architectural figures,” D/8/12). And it may figuratively express Tay’s tendency for very vocal articulations of his views on various diverse issues. In a “parodic” self-reflection, Tay commented on his tendency to react to many issues, saying: “there is this concept of ‘kaypoh.’ Kaypoh means ‘busybody’—the image of a loud-mouthed housewife, who interferes in, who interjects, who makes her views and comments very loud and interferes with people’s affairs. And that is regarded as very, very degrading or downgraded to take on that kind of role in society. It is reprehensible. So I am a kaypoh, I am a very big kaypoh!” (T/5/6–7).

  101. 101.

    Transcript D/17/10.

  102. 102.

    Transcript D/1/12.

  103. 103.

    Transcript D/16/6.

  104. 104.

    This quotation is taken from transcript D/6/6. Indeed, many interviewees refer to his reports when he was president of the Singapore Institute of Architects (1991–1992). For example, they say that his survey on the bidding process resulted, for example, in a fixed fee scale, so as not to create a downward spiral where the cheapest work (rather than the best work) wins. Another example cited by people is his report on the economic cycles of the private firms, experiencing very deep troughs at the top and the bottom of economic cycles, causing eventually to a loss of expertise and quality work (due to the need to constantly recruit and train new people). People cite this report as one that managed to convince the government (as the biggest developer) to hand a portion of the work usually given to the public sector—to private firms.

  105. 105.

    A possible social implication of the profession’s improvement of social status may be seen by the fact that people say that architecture as a profession has gained “a say” in social issues: “(Tay) has put the professional organization (the Singapore Institute of Architects)—on the map” (D/8/3). The professional organization gained social power not only in terms of its larger size and membership but more importantly, because it gained a consultative role in social issues. An interviewee says, for example: “With him and several others, it came across as an organization with ideas that should be consulted. He was one of the most articulate of the members of Singapore Institute of Architects…(and it is) today actually one of the largest professional organizations (…) and one of the most respectable organizations here as well. They are given a place in committees, which are set up to solicit representation from professional organizations. I don’t think that kind of due recognition would be accorded to an organization automatically. They earned it” (D/8/3). Also, the fact that an interviewee who used to be the president of the Singapore Institute of Architects says that the number of applicants to study architecture, as well as their academic profile, has risen over the last few years, which may support this argument (D/16/14).

  106. 106.

    Transcript D/17/10.

  107. 107.

    These examples are in transcripts D/1/4 and D/1/7.

  108. 108.

    Transcript D/13/3–4.

  109. 109.

    These examples are from transcripts D/13/4; D/13/4; D/17/6; D/18/18; D/16/1; D/18/1, 3; D/15/2; and D/2/12.

  110. 110.

    Transcript D/17/3.

  111. 111.

    Transcript D/18/9.

  112. 112.

    These two quotations are from Robert Powell (1997). op. cit., p. 25.

  113. 113.

    See, for example, “Wah, so Obiang One,” The Straits Times, 28 Mar 1990; or “Architectural crisis of Singapore’s new middle-class?” The Straits Times, 16 Dec 1993; or a paper on “The Tropical City—Cultural Implications of High Density Development,” at the PAM-AKP International Conference, Kuala Lumpur, 1985.

  114. 114.

    See Tay (1994, p. 162).

  115. 115.

    See, for example, Tay’s (1990) paper on “Heritage Conservation—Political and Social Implications: The Case of Singapore” at the international conference on “Heritage and Conservation and Challenges to Asia/Pacific Basin,” Darwin, Australia.

  116. 116.

    See, for example, Tay (1990, 1991).

  117. 117.

    The Straits Times, 30 Jul 1994.

  118. 118.

    Ibid.

  119. 119.

    The Straits Times, 26 Oct 1992.

  120. 120.

    The Straits Times, 30 Jul 1994. See also ST 26 Sep 1992.

  121. 121.

    These two quotes are from The Straits Times, 30 Jul 1994.

  122. 122.

    See, for example, “The Specific Conditions for ‘Green Architecture’ in Asian States Undergoing Rapid Modernization,” Melbourne, RMIT Program.

  123. 123.

    See, for example, Tay (1989)—“Towards a More Ecologically Responsible Urban Architecture,” Quartenario Conference.

  124. 124.

    Dr. Sham Sani’s research (1986), University of Malaya, Geography Department.

  125. 125.

    See Tay’s (1989, p. 25).

  126. 126.

    Ibid., p. 70. Both this and the preceding quote are from the same document.

  127. 127.

    Ibid., p. 62.

  128. 128.

    Ibid., p. 74.

  129. 129.

    Ibid., p. 64.

  130. 130.

    Transcript D/1/4.

  131. 131.

    Transcript D/16/2.

  132. 132.

    Transcript D/8/4.

  133. 133.

    Tay (1989). op. cit., p. 4.

  134. 134.

    Transcript D/6/13.

  135. 135.

    Transcript D/15/9.

  136. 136.

    Transcript D/15/5.

  137. 137.

    Tay (1989). op. cit., p. 29.

  138. 138.

    Robert Powell (1997). op. cit., p. 13.

  139. 139.

    Ibid., p. 14.

  140. 140.

    The Straits Times, 29 Apr 1984.

  141. 141.

    Powell (1997). op. cit., p. 14.

  142. 142.

    Ibid., 2 Sep 1989.

  143. 143.

    See Chua Beng Huat (1997, Cover page).

  144. 144.

    Chua Beng Huat (1995, p. 129).

  145. 145.

    For example, conditions such as centralized political control and an attitude of social and cultural compliance.

  146. 146.

    Transcript D/17/11.

  147. 147.

    Transcript D/17/2.

  148. 148.

    Powell (1997). op. cit., p. 28.

  149. 149.

    Transcript D/16/1.

  150. 150.

    Transcript D/2/4.

  151. 151.

    The Sunday Times, 12 Apr 1987.

  152. 152.

    The Sunday Times, 29 Apr 1984.

  153. 153.

    Tay (1990, p.15).

  154. 154.

    Transcript D/1/4.

  155. 155.

    Transcript D/14/8.

  156. 156.

    Transcript D/1/7.

  157. 157.

    For these references, see transcripts D/1/2, D/17/2, and D/18/4.

  158. 158.

    Tay (1989). op. cit., p. 74.

  159. 159.

    The Straits Times, 18 Jan 1998.

  160. 160.

    Transcript D/1/4.

  161. 161.

    In November 1997, this research was discussed in a meeting with Eisenstadt, and he commented that he was currently working on a paper with regard to the comparative patterns of collective identity formation. He added that he thought that charisma could be one possible pattern, an observation that still requires further theoretical and empirical clarification.

  162. 162.

    Tay says: “Modernity is the assertion of the primacy of reason, morality and aesthetics as fields freed from the dictates of power and piety. Modernity or autonomy relies on an implicit scientific chain of cause and effect, which is capable of being independently verified. Thus, a thing is true or valid only if it satisfies reason and not because the powerful or the pious deem it so. To the extent that such autonomies in a given society are generally deficient, individuals and social institutions, such as contracts, law and human relations, become subject to the dictates of the mighty. A blurring of the truth becomes entrenched” (The Straits Times, 19 Aug 1998).

  163. 163.

    An interviewee said once: “There was once he gave a lecture and he started by saying: ‘if you are religious, you will never be a good architect,’ because immediately being religious means that you follow a particular faith and you follow a particular faith means that you subscribe to a certain power of hierarchy (and not to the rational, autonomy of reason)” (Transcript D/18/14).

  164. 164.

    Tay said in this regard: “Of course we were aware that we couldn’t do a Malay architecture, nor should we do a Chinese architecture, or an Indian architecture, or a mix of all three. It just wasn’t right. Aesthetically, it just wouldn’t gel, to mix the different kinds of ethnic icons and symbols and design ideas into one. (…) We couldn’t accept the idea of an architecture that was based on that kind of strategy of mixture. A kind of fusion, to use the word. The whole strategy of blending to me cannot work. You have to find a deeper level of unity in the study of expression. You cannot just add and subtract things. It’s like grafting parts of different things together. You will never be successful.”

  165. 165.

    The “typificatory schemes” are found in Berger and Luckman (1966) and the “structurizing patterns” in Giddens (1984).

  166. 166.

    For the record, we should add that among the architectural community, at the time of the inception of Singapore as an independent nation (the mid and late 1960s), many architects who were interviewed described having had an urgent and profound quest to participate in the planning of Singapore. This quest found a channel through their voluntary participation in the Singapore Planning and Urban Research Group. However, the organization eventually ceased to operate in the early 1970s (some would say it was disbanded), on account of having overt and covert confrontations with the government’s policies. (Some say these confrontations were over the direction being taken in Housing and Urban Planning, and others say that the group was perceived by the government as challenging their political authority.) Anyhow, most of the active members (with the exception of Tay Kheng Soon and William Lim) have never resorted to participating in independent kinds of organizations. In any case, since these people do not constitute the bulk of Tay’s followers, their previous existential predisposition did not promote the emergence of Tay’s influence.

  167. 167.

    An interviewee says: “In the context of Singapore in the sixties, in those times, nobody was talking about tropical architecture. Everybody was trying to do modern buildings like the English and the Americans were doing (…) And then after that nobody talked about it and then now it is coming back again, but now it is an uphill battle because people are so used during the last twenty years to do this type of steel and glass building, people were not interested in identity in the last twenty years” (Transcript D/15/9).

  168. 168.

    It is not clear to what extent this “inclusive” attitude could be seen as a counter reaction to the regulated, regimented structure, in particular, to the government’s own formation of social identity. These reactions may be related in ways that are still in need for further study.

  169. 169.

    These links were instrumental to the process of reality construction and deconstruction in that they clarified concepts that seemed unbridgeable. For example, Kuo’s bilingualism deconstructed as it were, the social and theatrical boundaries that existed between the two entities (English-speaking and Chinese-speaking practitioners). Prema’s monk lifestyle was a clear articulation of the deconstruction of the boundaries between sublime and mundane, religious and social, and Tay’s multidisciplinary attitude and knowledge deconstructed the perceived boundaries between various disciplines.

  170. 170.

    Perhaps it is also of significance that Kuo is perceived by many as a “bridge-maker” between various social communities: between the English-speaking theater and the Chinese-speaking theater, between the artistic community and the theater people, and between the artistic community and the intellectual, academic community.

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Correspondence to Dayan Hava .

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Hava, D., Kwok-bun, C. (2012). Charismatic Leadership’s Agency: Social Construction and Transformation of Meaning. In: Charismatic Leadership in Singapore. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1451-3_8

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