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Regional Variation in Europe Between Homicide and Other Forms of External Death and Criminal Offences

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Handbook of European Homicide Research

Abstract

This chapter analyzes the relationship between homicide and other external causes of death such as suicide, motor vehicle traffic accidents and work-related accidents across Europe. It also compares homicide to other violent offences and to property offences. The comparison is both cross-sectional and longitudinal, identifying regional variations in rates and trends from 1970 to 2008, unless in the cases where data are available only for shorter periods of time. Data are taken mainly from the World Health Organization Statistics, the European Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal Justice Statistics and the Council of Europe Annual Penal Statistics. The findings suggest that opportunity-based theories provide the more plausible explanation of regional differences and trends in the various measures studied.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    http://data.euro.who.int/hfadb/ (WHO, 2010).

  2. 2.

    WHO statistics provide information on transport accidents as well as in traffic accidents. Transport accidents include ‘any accident involving a device designed primarily for, or being used at the time primarily for, conveying persons or goods from one place to another (WHO, 2010)’. As a consequence, it includes shipping and air transport accidents. In that context, we must take into account that for the drivers or pilots involved in an accident, such accident would be considered also as a work accident. Thus, to avoid overlapping between deaths due to transport accidents and deaths due to work accidents (and the subsequent double counting of the same events), we use the category of traffic accidents.

  3. 3.

    Countries included: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom.

  4. 4.

    Countries included: Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia.

  5. 5.

    The composition of the CIS has changed across time, but it includes basically Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan and Georgia.

  6. 6.

    Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia and Slovenia.

  7. 7.

    All the correlations presented in this section are those found for the group of Western European countries.

  8. 8.

    See also the analyses of Aebi and Linde (2010a), which shows that theft and its subcategories – mainly motor vehicle theft and domestic burglary – have followed a parallel evolution between 1990 and 2007.

  9. 9.

    Spain is included only in the category of total homicide because the rest of the Spanish police data are currently unreliable (Aebi & Linde, 2010b). Ireland and Sweden did not provide a complete time series for that category, England and Wales did not provide it for drug offences, and Belgium, Luxembourg and Portugal did not provide it for any offence. The analysis uses the disaggregated data provided by the United Kingdom (presenting England and Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland as three separate administrations) and includes Switzerland and Norway. For the latter, it was possible to reconstruct complete time series for total and completed homicide, robbery and drug offences.

  10. 10.

    For details, see Aebi and Linde (2010a).

  11. 11.

     For example, since 2003 the Czech Republic started including assault leading to death in the total number of assault, Lithuania started including minor assault, and Romania started including body injury and aggravated body injury (Aebi et al., 2006: 51–52).

  12. 12.

     To simplify the reading, figures are presented with only one decimal in Table 5.3.

  13. 13.

     For example, in Russia, between the beginning of the 1990s and 2005, the car fleet increased by 260% but road deaths increased only by 15% (OECD, 2008: 204).

  14. 14.

     The European Commission (2008: 24) points out that, in the EU15, 73% of the deaths related to work accidents concentrated in the sectors of agriculture, manufacturing, construction and transport, and that 95% of the fatal victims were men, a percentage that reflects the low proportion of women working in those sectors.

  15. 15.

     Other well known examples are those of Australia – where the restriction of access to sedatives led to a reduction in suicide rates (Oliver & Hetzel, 1972) – and Samoa – where the introduction of a pesticide (paraquat) in the 1970s was followed by a multiplication by five of the number of suicides in 10 years but, within 3 years of the moment when the availability of the pesticide was controlled, the suicide rate went back to its former level (Bowles, 1995).

  16. 16.

     The authors wish to thank John van Kesteren, who provided them with the figures required to calculate these rates (van Kesteren, personal communication, 14 October 2009).

  17. 17.

     In the same perspective, analyzing the relationship between unemployment and homicide rates, Land et al. (1990) found few statistically significant associations. However, when the association was significant, the correlation was negative, a result that is consistent with the predictions of routine activities theory and contrary to those of strain or relative deprivation theory.

  18. 18.

     Reliable data on homicide committed by firearms in Central and Eastern European countries are difficult to find. Chervyakov, Shkolnikov, Pridemore, and McKee (2002) analyzed 225 homicide verdicts (concerning 294 offenders), pronounced in the Udmurt Republic (Russia) during the years 1989–1991 and 1998, and found that the percentage of convicted offenders using firearms represented only about 10% of them. Chervyakov et al. (2002) acknowledge that their data is not representative of the whole Russia (were approximately 38,000 persons died from homicide in 1999) and that firearms might be used more frequently in metropolitan areas. According to an analysis of the ninth UNCTS data, approximately 60% of all homicides in the World are committed with a gun, but this percentage varies from 77% in Central America to 24% in South-east Europe and 19% in West and Central Europe (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2008: 75).

  19. 19.

     Panel reviews conducted mainly in Australia, Canada and the United States shows that advances in health care led to an average reduction of 50% in medically preventable deaths; while trauma registry studies show a reduction of approximately 15–20% reduction (Brennan et al., 2002; Jurkovich, Mock, & Charles, 1999).

  20. 20.

     For example, countries may not be the right unit of analysis for assessing the correlates of homicides. Regions, cities or neighbourhoods would probably be a better unit.

  21. 21.

     For example, in Russia, the estimated average rate of annual alcohol consumption in the late 1990s was 15 L per person; while in the European Union it was 10 L (Nemtsov, 2000; Treml, 1997).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. School of Criminal Sciences, Institute of Criminology and Criminal Law, ESC-ICDP-BCH, University of Lausanne, CH-1015, Lausanne, Switzerland

    Marcelo F. Aebi

  2. University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland

    Antonia Linde

  3. Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

    Antonia Linde

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  1. , Dept. of Criminal Law and Criminology, Leiden University, Steenschuur 25, Leiden, 2311 ES, Netherlands

    Marieke C. A. Liem

  2. , Department of Criminal Justice, Indiana University, Sycamore Hall 302, Bloomington, 47405, USA

    William Alex Pridemore

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Aebi, M.F., Linde, A. (2012). Regional Variation in Europe Between Homicide and Other Forms of External Death and Criminal Offences. In: Liem, M., Pridemore, W. (eds) Handbook of European Homicide Research. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0466-8_5

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