Abstract
As one of the last regions to be “decolonized”, Oceania has yet to attract a large following of indigenous archaeologists actively engaged in methodological and theoretical debates. However, the expanding fields of public archaeology and cultural heritage management are now drawing more attention from indigenous communities. Human settlement of the region goes back to at least 40,000 years in the area commonly referred to as Melanesia (Near Oceania), but some of the more distant islands of Polynesia (Remote Oceania) have a much more recent history. This world of islands displays considerable ecological and cultural diversity, and is testimony to humanity’s greatest achievement in long-distance ocean dispersal. The region continues to challenge archaeologists with questions of local and regional significance (e.g., origin and timing of settlement) or of broader interest, such as island studies, the extent of pre-European contact environmental change by indigenous communities and how the latter have in turn responded to changing conditions, and theoretical discussions on political economy, monumentality, and long-distance exchange.
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Notes
- 1.
The portrayal of Western thinking as being solely grounded in empiricism ignores the complexity of how various Western intellectuals have considered the alternative that knowledge is relative and situation-dependent (Burik 2006). Nevertheless, the experimental sciences, which are grounded in empiricism, led to a view still explicitly or implicitly held by many people that knowledge results from a reflection of external objects. If several archaeologists are now willing to concede that archaeological theory can be situated within a specific context of knowledge production (Hodder 2002), we should be equally concerned if politics are allowed to dictate findings. As Carson (2005: 126) puts it, “Positivism is certainly a productive way to approach archaeology, as it views the archaeological record as containing observable data within a system that can be analyzed to reach supportable conclusions. Otherwise, if facts could not be known, then all efforts would be futile”. Spriggs (1999:121) sums up the debate: “Presenting the past we think we see must be done with an awareness that the ground is contested and who the combatants are”.
- 2.
2Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo (2001) argue for the incommensurability of anthropological/ethnographic knowledge on the one hand, and indigenous epistemology, on the other. The present writer is more optimistic in light of productive dialogues between indigenous and non-indigenous voices and the recognition that societies often operate under “hybrid” epistemological categories.
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The author kindly acknowledges comments provided by Mike Carson and Ludomir Lozny.
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Thomas, F.R. (2011). Pacific Islands Archaeology. In: Lozny, L. (eds) Comparative Archaeologies. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8225-4_22
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