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Another Grand Tour: Cameralism and Antiphysiocracy in Baden, Tuscany, and Denmark–Norway

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Physiocracy, Antiphysiocracy and Pfeiffer

Part of the book series: The European Heritage in Economics and the Social Sciences ((EHES,volume 10))

Abstract

During the summer of 1784, the Danish statesman Peter Christian Schumacher (1743–1817) decided to go on a Grand Tour. It would not be his first such tour, but whereas he before had ventured out to learn “languages, politics, and statistics,” he now wished to study the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. In terms of current scholarship on the Grand Tour, Schumacher’s general sentiment is less surprising than his proposed itinerary. For rather than heading for Paris, Bordeaux, London, or Birmingham, along the principal arteries of the European economy, he resolutely went south, across Germany, Switzerland, and northern Italy, making purposeful stops in the reformist states of Baden, Venice, and Tuscany. The current Anglophone narrative of the Grand Tour privileges British and French travelers questing for Arcadia in Italy and continental observers spying on British technological achievements. The ways in which travel contributed to the emulation of economic and administrative practices between the minor states of Northern, Central, and Southern Europe are therefore seldom explored.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 12 August 1784, in Ove Høegh Guldbergs og Arveprins Frederiks brevveksling med Peter Christian Schumacher 1778–1807, ed. J.O. Bro-Jørgensen, Copenhagen: Nyt Nordisk Forlag Arnold Busck, 1972 (hereafter GFS), pp. 288, 291.

  2. 2.

    Joseph A. Schumpeter, A History of Economic Analysis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1954, p. 223.

  3. 3.

    On the fate of Physiocracy in Germany, see Richard T. Gray, Money Matters: Economics and the German Cultural Imagination, 1770–1850, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008, pp. 109–169; Keith Tribe, Governing Economy: The Reformation of German Economic Discourse 1750–1840, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988, pp. 119–31; id., “The Reception of Physiocratic Argument in the German States,” in B. Delmas, T. Demals, and Philippe Steiner (eds.), La diffusion internationale de la physiocratie, Grenoble: Presses Universitaires de Grenoble, 1995, pp. 331–44. On Physiocracy in Tuscany see, among many others, Mario Mirri, “Per una ricerca sui rapporti fra ‘economisti’ e riformatori toscani: L’abate Niccoli a Parigi,” Annali del Istituto Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 2, 1959, pp. 55–115; id. “La fisiocrazia toscana: un tema da riprendere,” in Studi di storia medievale e moderna per Ernesto Sestan, 2 vols., Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 1980, vol. II, pp. 703–60; Antonella Alimento, “La réception des idées physiocratiques à travers les traductions: le cas toscan et vénetien,” in Delmas, Demals, and Steiner (eds.), La diffusion internationale de la physiocratie, pp. 297–313. On Tuscan economic policy in the eighteenth century generally, see Hermann Bühi, Finanzen und Finanzpolitik Toskanas im Zeitalter der Aufklärung (1737–1790) im Rahmen der Wirtschaftspolitik, Berlin: Emil Ebering, 1915; Luigi dal Pane, La finanza toscana dagli inizi del secolo XVIII alla caduta del granducato, Milan: Banca commerciale italiana, 1965.

  4. 4.

    Francis Bacon, The Essays, or Councils, Civil and Moral, London: H. Herringman et al., 1696, pp. 47–8. On this tradition of writing on travel, see Justin Stagl, A History of Curiosity: The Theory of Travel 1550–1800, London: Routledge, 2004.

  5. 5.

    See, for particularly enlightening examples, John Raymond Harris, Industrial Espionage and Technology Transfer: Britain and France in the Eighteenth Century, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998 and Paolo Preto, I servizi segreti di Venezia: Spionaggio e controspionaggio ai tempi della Serenissima, Milan: Il saggiatore, 2004. For earlier cases of such “economic espionage” see Alan Marshall, Intelligence and Espionage in the Reign of Charles II, 1660–1685, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 136–7.

  6. 6.

    For useful caveats see Paul Cheney, Revolutionary Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010, p. 3.

  7. 7.

    Melissa Calaresu, “Looking for Virgil’s Tomb: The End of the Grand Tour and the Cosmopolitan Ideal in Europe,” in Jaś Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural History of Travel, London: Reaktion Books, 1999, pp. 138–161.

  8. 8.

    George B. Parks, “The Decline and Fall of the English Renaissance Admiration of Italy,” The Huntington Library Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 4, 1968, pp. 341–357, especially p. 356; Franco Venturi, “L’Italia fuori d’Italia,” in Storia d’Italia, vol. III: Dal primo Settecento all’Unità, eds. Ruggiero Romano and Corrado Vivanti, Turin: Einaudi, 1973, 987–1481, pp. 1070–1071; Jeremy Black, Italy and the Grand Tour, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003, pp. 3, 7, 14. On Birmingham and industrial espionage there, see Peter M. Jones, Industrial Enlightenment: Science, Technology and Culture in Birmingham and the West Midlands, 1760–1820, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008.

  9. 9.

    Donatien-Alphonse-François de Sade, Opere complete: Viaggio in Italia; Viaggio in Olanda, ed. Bruno Cagli, Translated by Pietro Bartalini Bigi, Rome: Newton, 1993, pp. 273–4; Norman Scarfe, Innocent Espionage: The La Rochefoucauld Brothers’ Tour of England in 1785, Woodbridge: Boydell, 1995, p. 40. See, on jealousy at the time, Istvan Hont, Jealousy of Trade: International Competition and the Nation-State in Historical Perspective, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005.

  10. 10.

    Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. Edwin Cannan, 2 vols., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976, vol. I, p. 179; Pietro Paolo Celesia ai Serenissimi, 5 October 1784, Archivio di Stato di Genova, Genova, Italy, Archivio Segreto 2482.

  11. 11.

    Barbara Ann Naddeo, “Cultural Capitals and Cosmopolitanism in Eighteenth-Century Italy: The Historiography and Italy on the Grand Tour,” Journal of Modern Italian Studies, vol. 10, no. 2, 2005, 183–199, p. 189.

  12. 12.

    Sophus A. Reinert, “Lessons on the Rise and Fall of Great Powers: Conquest, Commerce, and Decline in Enlightenment Italy,” The American Historical Review, vol. 115, no. 5, 2010, pp. 1395–1425.

  13. 13.

    See again Reinert, “Rise and Fall” and, similarly, Louisa Shea, “Rousseau’s Ruins,” in Christie McDonald and Stanley Hoffmann, Rousseau and Freedom, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, pp. 193–206.

  14. 14.

    William Thomas, The History of Italy (1549), ed. George B. Sparks, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1963; Henry James, Italian Hours, ed. John Auchard, London: Penguin, 1995.

  15. 15.

    Compare, for example, Aby Warburg, Die Erneuerung der heidnischen Antike: Kulturwissenschaftliche Beitrage zur Geschichte der europäischen Renaissance, eds. Horst Bredekamp and Michael Diers, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1998 to Alfred Doren, Studien aus der Florentiner Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 2 vols., Stuttgart: Cotta, 1901–8 and Werner Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus: Historisch-systematische Darstellung des gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 3rd ed., 3 vols. in 6 parts, Munich and Leipzig, 1928; See, on the interests of German Renaissance historians at the time, Perdita Ladwig, Das Renaissancebild deutscher Historiker, 1898–1933, Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2004. On Warburg see José Emilio Burucúa, Historia, Arte, Cultura: De Aby Warburg a Carlo Ginzburg, Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2002; on his dislike of Schmoller and Doren, see Bernd Roeck, Florence 1900: The Quest for Arcadia, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009, pp. 71–2. On the German Historical School generally see Erik Grimmer-Solem, The Rise of Historical Economics and Social Reform in Germany, 1864–1894, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003 and Yuichi Shionoya, The Soul of the German Historical School, Berlin: Springer, 2005.

  16. 16.

    Stendhal, Rome, Naples et Florence, 2 vols., 3rd. ed., Paris: Delaunay, 1826, vol. II, pp. 102, 107. For a famous example of the syndrome’s impact on modern popular culture, see Dario Argento’s La sindrome di Stendhal, Cine 2000 and Medusa Produzione, 1996. See, on the Florence we have gained, Roeck, Florence 1900. On the evolution of the Grand Tour to Italy more generally, see Edward Chaney, The Evolution of the Grand Tour, London: Routledge, 2000.

  17. 17.

    Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz, England und Italien, 5 vols., Carlsruhe: Christian Gottlieb Schmieder, 1787, parts of which were translated as Johann Wilhelm von Archenholtz [sic], A Picture of Italy, trans. Joseph Trapp, 2 vols., London: G.G.J. and J. Robinson, 1791, quotations from vol. I, pp. 135–8, 21, 27, 59–60, 136–8, 192. On Archenholz and his self-image, see Boris Bovekamp, Die Zeitschrift “Minerva” und ihre Herausgeber Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz (1743–1812) und Friedrich Alexander Bran (1767–1831): Ein Beitrag zur Kompatibilität, Aufklärung und Liberalismus, Kiel: Ludwig, 2009, p. 32. See also Ute Rieger, Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz als “Zeitbürger”: eine historisch-analytische Untersuchung zur Aufklärung in Deutschland, Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1994. On his tour of Italy, see Venturi, “L’Italia fuori d’Italia,” pp. 1107–8.

  18. 18.

    Archenholtz, A Picture of Italy, vol. I, pp. 21, 135–8.

  19. 19.

    Archenholtz, A Picture of Italy, vol. I, p. 138. See, on the emergence of this ethos, Marcello Fantoni, La corte del Granduca: Forma e simboli del potere mediceo fra Cinque e Seicento, Rome: Bulzoni, 1994.

  20. 20.

    Archenholtz, A Picture of Italy, vol. I, pp. 133–4, 139, 171. On Arhenholz’ comparisons of England and Italy, usually in England’s favour, see Rieger, Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz, pp. 39–42. So well known was Archenholz for his negative treatment of Italy that Goethe made fun of him while travelling there, see Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Italian Journey, London: Penguin, 1970, p. 116.

  21. 21.

    Archenholtz, A Picture of Italy, vol. I, p. 173. Emphasis added. Cf. Henry James, Italian Hours, ed. John Auchard, London: Penguin, 1995, pp. 272–3.

  22. 22.

    John Adams to Abigail Adams, no date but 1780, in The Letters of John and Abigail Adams, ed. Frank Shuffelton, London: Penguin, 2004, p. 378. For context see David McCullough, John Adams, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001, pp. 236–7.

  23. 23.

     On British “sympathy” see Jeremy Black, The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Eighteenth Century, Stroud: The History Press, 2003, pp. 230–60.

  24. 24.

    In Van Wyck Brooks, The Dream of Arcadia: American Writers and Artists in Italy, 1760–1915, New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1958, p. 79.

  25. 25.

    Ernest Lluch, “Cameralism beyond the Germanic World: a Note on Tribe,” History of Economic Ideas, 5: 2, 1997, pp. 85–99.

  26. 26.

    Tribe, Governing Economy, p. 6.

  27. 27.

    On Colbertism see Philippe Minard, La fortune du colbertisme: État et industrie dans la France des Lumières, Paris: Fayard, 1998.

  28. 28.

    Jan de Vries, European Urbanization 1500–1800, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984, pp. 116, 153  ; Paul Bairoch, Jean Batou, and Pierre Chévre, La population des villes européennes de 800 à 1850 – The Population of European Cities from 800 to 1850, Geneva: Droz, 1988, pp. 4, 28, 33.

  29. 29.

    Isabel V. Hull, Sexuality, State, and Civil Society in Germany, 1700–1815, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996, p. 155.

  30. 30.

    On this tradition see Jürgen Backhaus, “The German Economic Tradition: From Cameralism to the Verein Für Socialpolitik,” in Maria Albertone and Alberto Masoero (eds.), Political Economy and National Realities, Turin: Fondazione Einaudi, pp. 329–357 and Volker Bauer, Hofökonomie: Der Diskurs über den Fürstenhof in Zeremonialwissenschaft, Hausväterliteratur und Kamera­lismus, Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1997.

  31. 31.

    On these aspects of Cameralism see Marc Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Social and Institutional Change through Law in the Germanies and Russia, 1600–1800, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983, p. 100; Alix Cooper, “‘The possibilities of the land’: The Inventory of ‘Natural Riches’ in the Early Modern German Territories,” History of Political Economy, vol. 35, Annual Supplement, 2003, pp. 129–153; id., Inventing the Indigenous: Local Knowledge and Natural History in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 96–8; Jürgen Backhaus and Richard E. Wagner, “From Continental Public Finance to Public Choice: Mapping Continuity,” in Steven G. Medema and Peter Boettke (eds.), The Role of Government in the History of Economic Thought, Durham: Duke University Press, 2005, 314–332, pp. 317–318.

  32. 32.

    Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff, Additiones oder Zugaben und Erleuterungen zu dem Tractat des Teutscher Fürsten-Staats, Frankfurt: Thomas Matthias Göken, 1665. For his current relevance in the eighteenth century see Johann Friedrich von Pfeiffer, Berichtigungen berühmte Staats-, Finanz-, Policei-, Cameral-, Commerz- und ökonomischer Schriften dieses Jahrhunderts, 6 vols., Frankfurt am Main: Esslingersche Buchhandlungen, 1781–1784, vol. I, p. 387. On Seckendorff see Sophus A. Reinert, “Cameralism and Commercial Rivalry: Nationbuilding through Economic Autarky in Seckendorff’s 1665 Additiones,” European Journal of Law and Economics, vol. 19, no. 3, 2005, pp. 271–286.

  33. 33.

    Richard L. Gawthrop, “The Social Role of Seventeenth-Century German Territorial States,” in A. C. Fix and S. C. Karant-Nunn (eds.), Germania Illustrata: Essays on Early Modern Germany Presented to Gerald Strauss, Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies, vol. 18, 1992, pp. 243–258; Reinert, “Cameralism and Commercial Rivalry.”

  34. 34.

    Carl von Linné, “Principes de l’Oeconomie, fongés sur la Science naturelle & sur la Physique,” Journal Oeconomique, May 1752, pp. 40–65; on this article see Philippe Steiner, La “science nouvelle” de l’économie politique, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1998, pp. 13–17.

  35. 35.

    Lisbet Koerner, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999.

  36. 36.

    See among others Richard Drayton, Nature’s Government: Science, Imperial Britain, and the “Improvement” of the World, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000; Londa Schiebinger, Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004, pp. 1–12 and passim.

  37. 37.

    Kristina Söderpalm, “Handel och sjöfart: Svenska Ostindiska Kompaniet,” in Pontus Grate (ed.), Solen och Nordstjärnan: Frankrike och Sverige på 1700-talet, Stockholm: Nationalmuseum, 1993, pp. 172–175.

  38. 38.

    Hans Egede, Grønlands Beskrivelse, Oslo: A.W. Brøggers Boktrykkeris Forlag, 1926, p. 140. On Dano-Norwegian colonial history see particularly Kay Larsen, De Dansk-Ostindiske Koloniers Historie, 2 vols., Copenhagen: Centralforlaget, 1907–1908; Yngvar Ustvedt, Trankebar: Nordmenn i de Gamle Tropekolonier, Oslo: Cappelen, 2001; Michael Bregnsbo and Kurt Villads Jensen, Det Danske Imperium: Storhed og Fald, Copenhagen: Aschehoug, 2004. On its botched efforts in the Levant see C.F. Wandel, Danske Handelsforsøg paa Levanten i det Attende Aarhundrede, Copenhagen: C.A. Reitzels Forlag, 1927. For Sigurd Wilhelm de Gähler’s account of 15 June 1754, see pp. 21–24.

  39. 39.

    Einar Maseng, Utsikt over de Nord-Europeiske Staters Utenrikspolitikk, ed. Lars Mjøset, 3 vols, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 2005, vol. I, pp. 32–3.

  40. 40.

    Reproduced in Waldemar Westergaard, The Danish West Indies Under Company Rule ­(1671–1754) with a Supplementary Chapter, 1755–1917, New York: Macmillan, 1916, pp. 306–314.

  41. 41.

    Kenneth Morgan, Bristol and the Atlantic Trade in the Eighteenth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993, p. 14.

  42. 42.

    Governor Erik Bredal to the Directors of the West India Company, 25 May 1719, in Westergaard, The Danish West Indies, pp. 315–317.

  43. 43.

    Giorgio Spini, Michelangelo politico e altri studi sul Rinascimento fiorentino, Milan: Edizioni Unicopli, 1999, p. 86.

  44. 44.

    Jean-J. Dauxion Lavasse, A Statistical, Commercial, and Political Description of Venezuela, Trinidad, Margarita, and Tobago… London: G. And W.B: Whittaker, 1820, pp. 344–345.

  45. 45.

    David Kirby, Northern Europe in the Early Modern Period: The Baltic World 1492–1772, London: Longman, 1990.

  46. 46.

    This tradition of interpretation is famously rendered in Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph, 2nd edition, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997. Cf. Jean-François Melon, Essai politique sur le commerce, revised edition, no place: no publisher, 1736.

  47. 47.

    On this trope, see Karin Johannisson, Det Mätbara Samhället: Statistik och Samhällsdröm i 1700-Talets Europa, Stockholm: Norstedts Förlag, 1988, p. 98 and more at length Sverker Sörlin, “Guldet från Norden: Norrlandsvisioner från Olaus Magnus till Johan Galtung,” in Sune Åkermann and Kjell Lundholm (eds.), Älvdal i norr, Umeå: Universitetet i Umeå, 1990, pp. 83–147, particularly pp. 109–22.

  48. 48.

    John Cary, An Essay on the State of England, Bristol: W. Bonny, on which see Sophus A. Reinert, “Traduzione ed emulazione: La genealogia occulta della Storia del Commercio,” in Bruno Jossa, Rosario Patalano, and Eugenio Zagari (eds.), Genovesi economista, Naples: Istituto italiano per gli studi filosofici, 2007, pp. 155–192, and more at length in id., Translating Empire.

  49. 49.

    J.C. Bie, “Philopatreias trende Anmærkninger. 1. Om de dyre Tider og Handelens Svaghed. 2. Om Rettergang. 3. Om Geistlighedens Indkomster,” in Kjell Lars Berge (ed.), Å beskrive og forandre verden: En antologi tekster fra 1700-tallets dansk-norske tekstkultur, Oslo: Norges Forskningsråd, 1998, pp. 103–122, particularly p. 107.

  50. 50.

    Sophus A. Reinert, “The Empire of Emulation: A Quantitative Analysis of Economic Translations in the European World, 1500–1849,” in Sophus A. Reinert and Pernille Røge (eds.), The Political Economy of Empire in the Early Modern World, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming 2011.

  51. 51.

    Friedrich Schleiermacher, “On the Different Methods of Translating,” in Daniel Weissbort and Astradur Eysteinsson, Translation – Theory and Practice: A Historical Reader, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006, p. 209.

  52. 52.

    Johan Westerman, Intrådes-Tal, om Svenska Näringarnes Undervigt emot de Utlänske, förmedelst en trögare Arbets-drift, Stockholm: Lars Salvius, 1768, pp. 30, 33.

  53. 53.

    Aage Friis, Andreas Peter Bernstorff og Ove Høegh Guldberg: Bidrag til den Guldbergske Tids Historie (1772–1780), Copenhagen: Det Nordiske Forlag, 1899, pp. 200–206. On the 1780 armed neutrality see Isabel de Madariaga, Britain, Russia, and the Armed Neutrality of 1780: Sir James Harris’s mission to St. Petersburg during the American Revolution, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962. For his correspondence see Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen, Denmark, 06312, Schumacher, Peter Chr., 1762–1817.

  54. 54.

    Jens Glebe-Møller, Struensees vej til Skafottet: Fornuft og Åpenbaring i Oplysningstiden, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanums Forlag, 2007.

  55. 55.

    Robert Nisbet Bain, Scandinavia: A Political History of Denmark, Norway and Sweden from 1513 to 1900, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1905, pp. 408–410; P. Vedel, “Schumacher, Peter Christian,” in C.F. Bricka (ed.), Dansk Biografisk Lexikon… XV. Bind, Scalabrini-Skanke, Copenhagen: Gyldendalske Boghandels Forlag, 1901; Madariaga, Britan, Russia, and the Armed Neutrality, p. 233.

  56. 56.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høgh-Guldberg, 28 June 1784, in GFS, p. 281.

  57. 57.

    Ove Høgh-Guldberg to Peter Christian Schumacher, 19 November 1784, in GFS, p. 304.

  58. 58.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 12 August 1784 and Ove Høegh-Guldberg to Peter Christian Schumacher, 31 August 1784, in GFS, pp. 288 and 291 respectively.

  59. 59.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 1 September 1784, in GFS, p. 293.

  60. 60.

    In Michael Roberts, The Age of Liberty: Sweden 1719–1772, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, p. 35.

  61. 61.

    For another Grand Tour bringing together interests in economics and electricity, see Paola Bertucci, Viaggio nel paese delle meraviglie: Scienza e curiosità nell’Italia del Settecento, Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2007.

  62. 62.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 2 April 1784, in GFS, p. 329. On the institutionalization of itineraries, see Calaresu, “Looking for Virgil’s Tomb.” On the connection between economic destitution and Naples’ negative image in Europe, see Nelson Moe, The View from Vesuvius: Italian Culture and the Southern Question, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006, p. 52.

  63. 63.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, no date but around New Year’s Eve 1784, in GFS, p. 306; Voltaire [Francois Marie Arouet], L’Homme aux Quarante Ecus, Paris: no publisher, 1768; Ferdinando Galiani, Dialogues sur le commerce des bleds, London: no publisher, 1770. See also Nuçi Kotta, L’Homme aux Quarante Écus: A Study of Voltairian Themes, with a foreword by George R. Havens, The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1966, pp. 38–83 and particularly Steven L. Kaplan, Bread, Politics, and Political Economy during the Reign of Louis XV, The Hague: Martinius Nijhoff, 1976.

  64. 64.

    Francis Russell, Duke of Bedford, A Descriptive Journey Through the Interior Parts of Germany and France, London: G. Kearsley, 1786, pp. 9, 39, 44–6.

  65. 65.

    Helep P. Liebel, “Enlightened Bureaucracy versus Enlightened Despotism in Baden, 1750–1792,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, vol. 55, No. 5, 1965, pp. 1–132, p. 14; Gray, Money Matters, p. 119.

  66. 66.

    Karl Friedrich von Baden, “Kurzer Abriss von den Grundsätzen der politischen Oekonomie,” Archiv für den Menschen und Bürger, 4, 1782, pp. 234–63; Jeremy Black, Eighteenth-Century Europe, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1999, p. 136.

  67. 67.

    Liebel, “Enlightened Bureaucracy,” p. 22.

  68. 68.

    Liebel, “Enlightened Bureaucracy,” pp. 36–47. On the economic consequences of eighteenth-century warfare in Baden, see also Carl Friedrich to Mirabeau, 22 September 1769, in Carl Friedrich of Baden, Brieflicher Verkehr mit Mirabeau und Du Pont, ed. Carl Knies, 2 vols., Heidelberg: Carl Winter’s Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1892, vol. I, pp. 3–5.

  69. 69.

    See Karl Friedrich to Mirabeau, 22 September 1769, 13 October 1769, and no date [1770], in Brieflicher Verkehr mit Mirabeau und Du Pont, vol. I, pp. 3–5, 10, 18–20; Mirabeau to Karl Friedrich, 4 October 1769, no date [probably 1769], 31 March 1770, in Verkehr mit Mirabeau und Du Pont, vol. I, pp. 5–9, 10–17, 20–38. But see, for Mirabeau’s more practical side and the differences between his “public” and “private” opinions of the Margrave and the success of Physiocratic reforms in Baden, Vieri Becagli, ‘Il’“Salomon du Midi” e l’“Ami des Hommes.” Le riforme Leopoldine in alcune lettere del marhese di Mirabeau al Conte di Scheffer’, Ricerche storiche, VII, 1 (1977), 137–195, p. 163.

  70. 70.

    A. Emminghaus, “Carl Friedrich von Baden physiokratische Verbindungen, Bestrebungen und Versuche, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Physiokratismus,” Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik, vol. 19, 1872, pp. 1–63, p. 36.

  71. 71.

    Liebel, “Enlightened Bureaucracy,” pp. 48–9, 74–7.

  72. 72.

    Du Pont de Nemours, Autobiography, ed. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Washington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1984, pp. 226, 231–2.

  73. 73.

    Mirabeau to Carl Fredrik Scheffer, 16 October 1784, in Becagli, ‘Il’“Salomon du Midi”’ pp. 194–5; Liebel, “Enlightened Bureaucracy,” pp. 53–4, 96, 98, 100; Derek Beales, Joseph II, 2 vols., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987–2009, vol. II.

  74. 74.

    Liebel, “Enlightened Bureaucracy,” p. 13.

  75. 75.

    Arthur Young, Political Arithmetic… London: W. Nicoll, 1774, pp. 252–3. This is not to say that other parts of Baden were praised more highly on the Grand Tour. As late as the early twentieth century, D.H. Lawrence noted the “big, fat, rather gloomy fields” of Southern Baden, “damp and unliving,” in D.H. Lawrence and Italy, ed. Tim Parks, London: Penguin, 2007, p. 101.

  76. 76.

    Gray, Money Matters, p. 109–113. See, for example, Anmerkungen über die französische Schrift: Moyens d’arrêter la misère publique, Frankfurt, 1772 and later Wilhelm Dohm, “Ueber das physiokratische System,” Deutsches Museum, no. 10, 1778, pp. 289–324. On Dohm, see Paolo Bernardini, “Aufklärung e Beamtentum: I. Metodo storiografico e teoria dell’economia in C.W. Dohm (1773–1779),” Annali della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi, vol. XXIII, 1989, pp. 371–470. The Baden-Durlach experiment would remain fundamental to the Physiocratic debate in Germany. See Anonymous, Die Kontribuzion oder Uibersicht des Kontribuzionstandes in Beziehung auf das phisiokratische Sistem, Vienna: No publisher, 1780, [iv] and Georg Andreas Will, Versuch über die Physiokratie… Nuremberg: Kaspe, 1782, pp. 30–34.

  77. 77.

    Ferdinando Galiani, Dialogen über die Regierungskunst vornemlich in Rucksicht auf den Getreydehandel, Lemgo: Meyerschen Buchhandlung, 1777, pp. 1–10.

  78. 78.

    Friedrich Nicolai, Beschreibung einer Reise durch Deutschland und die Schweiz im Jahre 1781, 12 vols., Berlin and Stettin, 1783–1796, vol. I, pp. 265–6. On Nicolai see Pamela Eve Selwyn, Everyday Life in the German Book Trade: Friedrich Nicolai as Bookseller and Publisher in the Age of Enlightenment, 1750–1810, Philadelphia: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000.

  79. 79.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, no date but around New Year’s Eve 1784, in GFS, p. 306; Nicolai, Beschreibung, vol. III, pp. 86–87.

  80. 80.

    Mirabeau to Carl Fredrik Scheffer, 16 October 1784, in Becagli, ‘Il’“Salomon du Midi,”’ pp. 194–5; Ove Høegh-Guldberg to Peter Christian Schumacher, 17 March 1785, in GFS, p. 324. Emphasis added.

  81. 81.

    Tuscan ministers were well aware of the Baden experiment before they embarked on their own reforms, see Becagli, ‘Il’“Salomon du Midi,”’ p. 140, n13.

  82. 82.

    Eric Cochrane, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries 1527–1800, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973, pp. 429, 435–7, 447.

  83. 83.

    Charles de Butré, Loix naturelles de l’agriculture et de l’ordre social, Neuchatel: Imprimérie de la société typograhique, 1781, pp. 144–57, discussed in Becagli, ‘Il’“Salomon du Midi,”’ p. 170; Norbert Jonard, “Le Problème du luxe en Italie au XVIIIe siècle,” Revue des études italiennes, 15, 1969, pp. 295–321, on which see Till Wahbaeck, Luxury and Public Happiness: Political Economy in the Italian Enlightenment, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004, p. 131.

  84. 84.

    See for example George Holmes, The Oxford Illustrated History of Italy, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 137: “Tuscany became a model state in the European Enlightenment debate when Peter Leopold put into practice physiocratic doctrines.” On the supposedly entirely “agricultural” nature of the Tuscan economy, see Wahnbaeck, Luxury and Public Happiness, p. 84.

  85. 85.

    Gian Francesco Pagnini, Della Decima, Lisbon and Lucca: G. Bouchard, 1765, for a conscientious reading of which see Mario Mirri, “Fisiocrazia e riforme: il caso della Toscana e il ruolo di Ferdinando Paoletti,” in Manuela Albertone (ed.), Governare il mondo: l’economia come linguaggio della politica nell’Europa del Settecento, Milan: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 2009, 323–441, p. 360. For an extreme case of reliance on Pagnini on this, see Wahnbaeck, Luxury and Public Happiness, p. 84.

  86. 86.

    Gianrinaldo Carli, “Saggio politico ed economico sopra la Toscana,” in id., Delle opere…, Milan: Nell’Imperial Monistero di S. Ambrogio Maggiore, 19 vols., 1784–94, vol. I, 323–368, pp. 337–8.

  87. 87.

    Lorenzo Cantini, Legislazione toscana, 32 vols., Florence: Fantosini, 1800–1808, vol. XXIX, pp. 46–55, 325, 335–7, 339–40; vol. XXX, pp. 34–8, 69, 83, 92–3, 107–8, 151–3, 244–5, 255; vol. XXXI, pp. 109–15.

  88. 88.

    On the debates surrounding these new tariffs, see Vieri Becagli, Un unico territorio gabellabile:La riforma doganale leopoldina. Il dibattito politico 1767–1781, Florence: Università degli studi di Firenze, 1983.

  89. 89.

    Cantini, Legislazione toscana, vol. XXXI, p. 73; Francesco Maria Gianni, Scritti di pubblica economia, 2 vols., Florence: Niccolai, 1848–9, vol. I, pp. 12, 28–9; Cochrane, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, pp. 435–7, 445, 448, 450–2.

  90. 90.

    Renato Mori, Le riforme leopoldine nel pensiero degli economist Toscani del ‘700, Florence: Sansoni, 1951, p. 28; Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis, p. 374n; Eric Cochrane, Tradition and Enlightenment in the Tuscan Academies, 1690–1800, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961, pp. 232–48.

  91. 91.

    Ferdinando Paoletti, I veri mezzi di render felici le società, Florence: Stecchi and Pagani, 1772, p. 231. On Paoletti as one of the more coherent Tuscan Physiocrats, see Mirri, “Fisiocrazia eriforme,” pp. 406–21.

  92. 92.

    See on these reforms, and from different perspectives, also Furio Diaz, Francesco Maria Gianni: Dalla burocrazia alla politica sotto Pietro Leopoldo di Toscana, Milan: Ricciardi, 1966, p. 90; R. Burr Litchfield, The Emergence of a Bureaucracy: The Florentine Patricians, 1530–1790, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986, pp. 297–8; Bernardo Sordi, L’amministrazione illuminata: Riforma delle comunità e progetti di costituzione nella Toscana leopoldina, Milan: Giuffrè, 1991; Emmanuelle Chapron, “Ad utilità pubblica”: Politique des bibliothèques et pratiqued du livre à Florence au XVIII e siècle, Geneva: Droz, 2009.

  93. 93.

    Luigi del Pane, Industria e commercio nel Granducato di Toscana nell’età del Risorgimento, vol. I: Il Settecento, Bologna: Pàtron, 1971, p. 260; Becagli, ‘Il’“Salomon du Midi,”’ p. 155; for an extremely careful reading of Physiocracy in Tuscany and the polyvalence of sources considered there see Mirri, “Fisiocrazia e riforme,” particularly pp. 360–370. For a very different kind of reading, see Wahnbaeck, Luxury and Public Happiness, passim.

  94. 94.

    See Karlheinz Stierle, “Translatio Studii and Renaissance: From Vertical to Horizontal Translation,” in Sanford Budick and Wolfgang Iser (eds.), The Translatability of Cultures: Figurations of the Space Between, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996, pp. 55–67, particularly p. 65; Anthony M. Cinquemani, “Milton Translating Petrarch: Paradise Lost VIII and the Secretum,” in Carmine G. Di Biase (ed.), Travel and Translation in the Early Modern Period, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2006, pp. 65–88, particularly p. 79.

  95. 95.

    I here follow Grith Lerche, The Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University: Its Contribution to Rural Education and Research in Denmark. Frederiksberg: KVL, 1999, p. 21: “In Danish the word “landhusholdning” did in fact encompass the whole economy of the country, including trade and not just the household of farmers.”

  96. 96.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 2 April 1785, in GFS, pp. 327–328. Cochrane, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, p. 446 noted the reliance of Tuscan reformers on John Cary and other foreign authors in the 1750s and 1760s, also through Antonio Genovesi’s mediation. On this extraordinary work of interventionist English economics and its inflection by Genovesi see Reinert, “Traduzione ed emulazione.”

  97. 97.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 2 April 1785, in GFS, pp. 327–328. See similarly the more general and methodological caveat about the dangers of abstraction in Ove Høegh-Guldberg to Peter Christian Schumacher, 7 May 1787, in GFS, p. 394. Schumacher’s verdict on the nature of Tuscan emulation is echoed very closely by Cochrane, Florence in the Forgotten Centuries, p. 446.

  98. 98.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 14 May, in GFS, pp. 340, 343.

  99. 99.

    Johann Friedrich von Pfeiffer, Natuerliche, aus dem Endzweck der Gesellschaft entstehende allgemeine Polizeiwissenschaft, 2 vols., Frankfurt am Main, 1779, vol. II, p. 62; Will, Versuch über die Physiokratie…, p. 35.

  100. 100.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 23 April 1785, in GFS, p. 334. On Tron see Sophus A. Reinert, “Blaming the Medici: Footnotes, Falsification, and the Fate of the English Model in Eighteenth-Century Italy,” Journal of the History of European Ideas, vol. 32, No. 4, 2006, pp. 430–455.

  101. 101.

    Ove Høegh-Guldberg to Peter Christian Schumacher, 1 April 1788, in GFS, p. 412.

  102. 102.

    Peter Christian Schumacher to Ove Høegh-Guldberg, 23 April 1785, in GFS, p. 338; Immanuel Kant, “An Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment? (1784),” in James Schmidt (ed.), What is Enlightenment? Eighteenth-Century Answers and Twentieth-Century Questions, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996, pp. 58–64. On the history of “sapere aude!” see Carlo Ginzburg, “The High and the Low: The Theme of Forbidden Knowledge in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in id., Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, translated by John and Anne Tedeschi, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989, pp. 60–76; Franco Venturi, Utopia e riforma nell’illuminismo, Turin: Einaudi, 1970, p. 16.

  103. 103.

    See Christian August Wichmann, Die entlarvte Heilige oder die neue Katharina von Siena in der Geschichte einer Nonne… Leipzig: Heinsius, 1786; Ove Høegh-Guldberg to Peter Christian Schumacher, 10 October, 21 November 1786, and 22 December 1786, in GFS, pp. 375, 379, and 382 respectively. See Schumacher’s correspondence with Wichmann in Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen, Denmark, 06312, Schumacher, Peter Chr., 1762–1817 Breve, kopibøger, optegnelser m.m., 7: Breve fra private V-Æ, A. I. 3: Breve fra Christian August Wichmann, Leipzig.

  104. 104.

    Reinert, “Traduzione ed emulazione.”

  105. 105.

    Christian August Wichmann, Anton Genovesi, ökonomisch-politischer Commentarius zu Johann Carys historisch-politischen Bemerkungen über Grossbritanniens Handel und Gewerbe. Leipzig: Johann Samuel Heinsius, 1788, pp. iv, viii.

  106. 106.

    On Wichmann’s fame as a Physiocrat, see Will, Versuch, pp. [1], 28–30, 71–2; Karl Steinlein, Handbuch der Volks-wirthschafts-lehre, Munich: in Commission der literarisch-artistischen Anstalt, 1831, p. 77.

  107. 107.

    See Christian August Wichmann to Peter Christian Schumacher, 25 April 1786, f. 3v and “undated fragment,” f. 2r in Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen, Denmark, 06312, Schumacher, Peter Chr., 1762–1817 Breve, kopibøger, optegnelser m.m., 7: Breve fra private V-Æ, A. I. 3: Breve fra Christian August Wichmann, Leipzig. I am grateful to Reinhild Spiess and her family for invaluable assistance in deciphering these letters.

  108. 108.

    See Sophus A. Reinert, “John Cary and the Emulation of English Political Economy in Eighteenth-Century Europe,” PhD Dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2009.

  109. 109.

    Venturi, “L’Italia fuori d’Italia,” p. 999.

  110. 110.

    Kaplan, Bread, Politics, p. 116.

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Reinert, S.A. (2011). Another Grand Tour: Cameralism and Antiphysiocracy in Baden, Tuscany, and Denmark–Norway. In: Backhaus, J. (eds) Physiocracy, Antiphysiocracy and Pfeiffer. The European Heritage in Economics and the Social Sciences, vol 10. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7497-6_4

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