Abstract
In the nineteenth century Atlantic civilization had a frontier of expansion in the Mississippi valley; by 1950 it maintained, under American leadership, a defensive frontier in Germany. In the nineteenth century the stabilizing factor was British naval power, in the twentieth it has become the power of the United States. As late as 1870 America was feared in Europe as the symbol of radical democracy and the ‘pro-Americans’ were to be found in the lower and middle classes; by the middle of the twentieth century America had become the symbol of capitalist conservatism and anti-Americanism was one of the hall-marks of left wing opinion. In the nineteenth century the flow of capital and culture was to the West; in the twentieth vast sums have been lent or permanently donated by Americans to the countries of Europe and their former colonies, the great American Universities have taken their places at the forefront of learning and an indigenous literary culture is now among the most lively in the world.
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Notes
‘I see the most serious fault of our past foreign policy formulation to lie in something that I might call the legalistic-moralistic approach to international problems …. It is the belief that it should be possible to suppress the chaotic and dangerous aspirations of governments in the international field by the acceptance of some system of legal rules and restraints …. It is the essence of this belief that, instead of taking the awkward conflicts of national interest and dealing with them on their merits with a view to finding the solutions least unsettling to the instability of international life, it would be better to find some formal criteria of a juridical nature by which the permissible behavior of states could be defined’ (George F. Kennan, American Diplomacy, Chicago University Press, 1951, 95–6). ‘The American commitment to the ideal of the juridical equality and moral integrity of states explains our participation in two world wars …. To some these American notions seem impractical and foolish. Influential scholars and counselors would have us abandon them. They suggest that we should cease being childish and idealistic and recognize that the national interest requires us to become disciples of Machiavelli, take our lessons from Richelieu, Bismarck or Clemenceau. The fact that Germany and Japan have committed national suicide by consistent adhesion to these doctrines seems not to dampen the eloquence of those who would persuade us to abandon the beliefs and practices by which we have lived and prospered from the beginning’ (Frank Tannenbaum in Foreign Affairs, Oct. 1951). The debate continues.
The argument here follows Samuel Lubell, The Future of American Politics, New York 1951, Ch. 3.
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© 1960 W. R. Brock
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Brock, W.R. (1960). The United States in a World of Conflict and Revolt. In: The Character of American History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-81622-4_8
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