Abstract
Prior to his death in 193/809, the fifth ‘Abbāsid caliph, al-Rashīd, made an unusual disposition of the caliphate, bequeathing to his eldest son, al-Amīn, the caliphal office together with the western and central provinces, while endowing his second son, al-Ma’mūn, the offspring of a Persian slave-girl, with the great province of Khurasan north and east of the Iranian Dasht-i Lut and Dasht-i Kavir.2 This latter charge provided the fiscal and manpower resources for the younger son to challenge the elder, and after a protracted fratricidal struggle, al-Amīn was killed and al-Ma’mūn took his place (198/813). Recognizing the practical problems of administering Khurasan from Baghdad, he appointed his most trusted henchman, Ṭāhir b. al-Husayn, its governor in 205/821.
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Notes
See, for example, Richard N. Frye, The Golden Age of Persia: The Arabs in the East (London: Thames and Hudson, 1975), pp. 186–212.
This letter was written by Ṭāhir al-Husayn around 205–206/821 to his son ‘Abd Allah b. Tāhir on the occasion of al-Ma’mūn appointing the latter as governor of Raqqa and Egypt. See Ibn Khaldūn, The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal, 3 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), vol. 2, pp. 139–56.
See the discussion in Paula Sanders, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Egypt (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), pp. 29–30, 78, 128, and 186.
C. E. Bosworth, “LAQAB,” EI (2), vol. 4, pp. 618–31. For an eleventh-century discussion on contemporary honorifics, see Niẓām al-Mulk, Siyār al-Mulūk, ed. H. Darke (Tehran: B.T.N.K., A.H. 1345), pp. 189–200. For the English translation see Nizam al-Mulk, The Book of Government or Rules for Kings, trans. H. Darke (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960), pp. 152–63.
Roy P. Mottahedeh, Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 42. See also pp. 62–66.
See Alexandre Popovic, Révolte des Esclaves en Iraq au IIIe, IXe siècle (Paris: P. Geunther, 1976).
Al-Ṭabarī, Taʼrīkh al-rusūl waʼl mulūk (The History of Prophets and Kings), vol. 36, The Revolt of the Zanj, trans. David Waines (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), pp. 203–205. For ‘Amr, see W. Barthold, “‘AMR B. AL-LAYTH,” EI (2), vol. 1, pp. 452–53, and C. E. Bosworth, “The Tahirids and Saffarids,” in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4, ed. R. N. Frye (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), pp. 116–210.
Al-Ṭabarī, vol. 37, The ‘Abbāsid Recovery, trans. Philip M. Fields (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), p. 1.
Ibid., p. 72.
Ibid., pp. 160–61, and vol. 38, The Return of the Caliphate to Baghdad, trans. Franz Rosenthal (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), p. 2.
Ibid., p. 64.
Ibid., p. 77. According to Rosenthal, the word kiswa is often used as a collective with a meaning approximating to a complete wardrobe (p. 77, n. 392). For ‘Amr’s request for appointment, see Ibid., pp. 70 and 84.
Ibid., pp. 84–85.
Narshakhī, Taʼrīkh-i Bukhārā, trans. R. N. Frye as The History of Bukhara (Cambridge, Mass.: Medieval Academy of America, 1954), p. 76.
Ibid., 11 and 148, n. 271. Narshakhī, or a copyist, as Frye points out, made a scribal error in attributing this confirmation to al-Wāthiq (227–232/842–847).
Ibid., pp. 79–80.
Charles E Defremery, ed. and trans., Histoire des Samanides, A.D. 892–999, par Mirkhond (Paris, 1845, reprinted Amsterdam: Oriental Press, 1974), Persian text, p. 11; translation, pp. 122–23.
C. E. Bosworth, “The Ruler of Chaghaniyan in Early Islamic Times,” in The Arabs, Byzantium and Iran: Studies in Early Islamic History and Culture, by C E. Bosworth (London: Variorum, 1996), XX: 6.
R. B. Sergeant, Ars Islamica 11 (1946), 122–27; Narshakhī, op. cit., pp. 15–16 and 19–20; and D. G. Shepherd and W. B. Henning, “Zandanījī Identified?” Aus Der Welt Der Islamischen Kunst. Festschrift für Ernst Kuhnel zum 15. Geburstag am 26. 10. 1951 (Berlin:Verlag Gebr. Mann, 1959), pp. 15–40; and Dorothy G. Shepherd, “Zandanījī Revisited,” Documenta Textilia. Festschrift für Sigrid Muller-Christensen, ed. M. Flury-Lemberg and K. Stolleis (München: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1981), pp. 105–122.
Niẓām al-Mulk, p. 133; English trans., p. 106. The wearing of liveries or uniforms by mamluk units extends back to the time when, according to Masʻūdī, al-Muʻtaṣim (218–227/833–842) dressed his troop of 4,000 Turkish mamluks “in brocade with gilded belts and ornaments, distinguishing them by their costume from the rest of the army.” Masʻūdī, The Meadows of Gold: The ʻAbbāsids, trans. P. Lunde and Caroline Stone (London: Kegan Paul, 1989), p. 228.
Niẓamī ‘Arūdī Samarqandī, Chahār Maqāla, ed. M. Qazvini (London: Luzac & Co., 1927), pp. 82–85: trans. E. G. Browne (London: Luzac & Co., 1921), pp. 115–118.
Ibid., Qazvini, pp. 41–46; Ibid., Browne, pp. 58–66.
Ibid., Qazvini, pp. 64–65; Ibid., Browne, pp. 92–95.
Yūsuf Khāṣṣ Hājib, Kutudgu Bilig, trans. as Wisdom of Royal Glory, trans. R. Dankoff (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 259. See also W. Barthold, “The Bughra Khan Mentioned in the Qudatqu Bilik,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 3 (1923–25): 151–58.
H. M. Elliott and J. Dowson, The History of India as told by its own Historians, 8 vols. (London: Trubner and Co., 1869), vol. 2, p. 24 (the spelling has been modified in accordance with the transliteration used throughout this essay). See also the version of Ibn Bābā al-Qashānī, quoted in C. E. Bosworth, The Later Ghaznavids (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), p. 136.
Abūʼl-Faḍl Bayhaqī, Taʼrīkh-i Maʻsūdī, ed. Q. Ghani and ʻA. A. Fayyad (Teheran, 1324/1945), p. 669.
Mahmud’s successor, Masʻūd, who had been treated with arrogance by Hasanak, revived at his accession the charges of Ismāʻīlī heresy and had him executed in 422/1031. Bayhaqī, pp. 181–83, Elliott and Dowson, vol. 2, pp. 88–100. See M. Nazim, The Life and Times of Sultān Maḥmud of Ghazna (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1931) pp. 136–37.
Bayhaqī, pp. 44–49, and Bosworth, “The Imperial Policy of the Early Ghaznawids,” Islamic Studies:Journal of the Central Institute of Islamic Research, Karachi 1 (1962), p. 64.
We may discern such garments in the costumes worn by the courtiers painted on the walls of the audience hall of Masʻūd’s palace at Lashkari Bazar. Daniel Schlumberger, “Le Palais Ghaznévide de Lashkari Bazar,” Syria 29 (1952): 251–70. It is a measure of that common currency that Muhammad ‘Awfi (d. c.630/1232) could eulogize Mahmūd, using the image of the khilʻa with ṭirāz ornamentation: “the robe of glory and grandeur was richly embroidered by his virtues and triumphs.” A. J. Arberry, Classical Persian Literature (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958), p. 53.
Bosworth, Later Ghaznavids, p. 80, and Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), p. 6, quoting Ma’sud b. Saʻd-i b. Salman, Diwan, ed. Rashid Yasimi, Tehran, pp. 443, 460 and 113–14. See also Mirza Muhammad Qazwini, “Masʻud-i-Saʻd-i-Salman,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1905): 693–740 and (1906) 11–51; D. C. Ganguly, “The Historical Value of Diwan-i Salman,” Islamic Culture 16 (1942) 423–28; and E.Thomas, “On the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 9 (1848) 267–386.
Minhāj-i Sirāj Jūzjānī, Tabaqāt-i-Nāṣirī, ed. A. H. Habibi, 2 vols. (Kabul: The Historical Society of Afghanistan, 1963–64); English trans. H. G. Raverty, 2 vols. (Calcutta:The Asiatic Society, 1881). Raverty vol. 1, p. 317.
Habibi, vol. 1, p. 361; Raverty vol. 1, p. 383. Ibn Khaldūn included the beating of drums as part of the alah, the display of banners and the playing of music instruments that he regarded as one of the emblems of royal authority. Ibn Khaldūn, 2:38–42. For the practice in Mughal India, see William Irvine, The Army of the Indian Moghuls (London, 1903; rpt. New Delhi: Eurasia Pub. House, 1962), pp. 30–31 and 207–209.
Khushdāshiyya is a term used for a group of mamluks bound by loyalty to a common master and to each other in Mamluk Egypt. See D. Ayalon, LʻEsclavage de Mamlouk (Jerusalem: The Israel Oriental Society, 1951), pp. 29–31 and 34–37; D. P. Little, An Introduction to Mamluk Historiography (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1970), pp. 125–26; and R. Irwin, The Middle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate, 1250–1382 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), pp. 65, 88–90 and 154–55. While the term khushdāshiyya or its Persian equivalent has not been found in the Indian sources (Peter Jackson, “The Mamluk Institution in Early Muslim India,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3d ser., 2 [1990]: 351), Minhāj-i Sirāj’s practice of referring to the Muʻizzī, Quṭbī and Shamsī mamluks surely makes a distinction between members of different slave-households, making it difficult not to assume a bonding comparable to Egyptian khushdāshiyya practice.
He minted coinage in his own name. See S. Lane-Poole, The Coins of the Sultans of Dehli in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1884), pp. xviii–xix, 10–12, and plate I; Dominique Sourdel, Inventaire de monnaies musulmanes anciennes du Musée de Caboul (Damascus: Institut Français de Damas, 1953), pp. 129–32 and plate VI; Edward Thomas, “On the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 9 (1848):379–80.
Yaḥyā b. Ahmad Sirhindī, Taʼrīkh-i Mubārak Shāhī, ed. Hidayat Hosain (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1931), p. 19; trans.: The Taʼrikh-i-Mubarakshāhī, ed. K. K. Basu (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1932), p. 19. Khwāja Nizām al-Dīn Ahmad echoed the sentiment: “He felt boundless pleasure and happiness, from the putting on of that robe.” Ṭabaqāt-i Akbarī, trans. B. De, 3 vols. (Calcutta: Bibliotheca Indica, 1911–41), vol. 1, p. 67.
Edward Thomas, Chronicles of the Pathán Kings of Delhi (London: Trübner & Co., 1871), pp. 122, 127–29, 134, and 141.
Ibid., p. 136.
K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century (Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1961), pp. 92–97.
Peter Jackson, “The Mongols and the Delhi Sultanate in the Reign of Muhammad Tughluq (1325–1351), Central Asiatic Journal 19 (1975): 118–57. Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, “Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq’s Foreign Policy: A Reappraisal,” Islamic Culture 62 (1988), 1–22.
Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Travels, trans. H. A. R. Gibb and C. F. Beckingham, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1958–94), vol. 3, pp. 657–70; Shihāb al-Dīn al-ʻUmarī, Masālik al Abṣārfi-mamlik al-Amṣãr, trans. I. H. Siddiqi and Q. M. Ahmad, as A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq (Aligarh: Siddiqi Publishing House, 1972), pp. 41–46; al-Qalqashandī, Subh al-Aʼshā, trans. Otto Spies, as An Arab Account of India in the 14th Century (Stuttgart: Verlag von W. Kohlhammer, 1936), pp. 73–78.
Shihāb al-Dīn al-ʻUmarī, Masālik al Abṣār, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq p. 44. See also M. Zaki, Arab Accounts of India during the Fourteenth Century (Delhi: Idarah-i Ad-abiyat-i Delli, 1981), p. 29.
For Muhammad b.Tughluq’s use of the coinage to emphasize his position vis-à-vis the caliphate, see Stanley Lane-Poole, The Coins of the Sultans of Delhi in the British Museum (London: British Museum Trustees, 1884), pp. xxv–xxvii.
N.A. Stillman, “KMLʻA,” El (2), vol. 5, pp. 6–7. See also F.W. Buckler, “Two Instances of Khilʻat in the Bible,” Journal of Theological Studies 23 (1922) 197 ff., and F.W. Buckler, “The Oriental Despot,” Anglican Theological Review 10 (1927–28) 238–49.
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Hambly, G.R.G. (2001). From Baghdad to Bukhara, from Ghazna to Delhi: The Khil‘a Ceremony in the Transmission of Kingly Pomp and Circumstance. In: Gordon, S. (eds) Robes and Honor. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-61845-3_8
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