Abstract
No study of the international dimensions of revolutions would be complete without analysis of the ways in which international factors shape the development of post-revolutionary states. Analysis of this interaction can do much to identify the ways in which, formal interstate relations apart, the external shapes the internal evolution of states and societies: such an investigation is relevant for theory, both sociological and international. It highlights the contradictory character of external pressure: radicalising the revolutionary state in the short run, debilitating and pushing it towards conformity with an international norm in the longer run. Such a perspective is equally of historical importance, in helping to explain the outcomes of revolutions. It was Trotsky who in the 1920s perceived the importance of this dimension of competition: ‘a Ford tractor is just as dangerous as a Creusot gun, with the sole difference that while the gun can function only from time to time, the tractor brings its pressure to bear upon us constantly’.1 Revolutions are, above all, attempts to change the societies in which they occurred: beyond the assumption of power itself, they seek to implement domestic transformation — to change political system, economy, social relations. The Jacobins sought to turn French society upside down in pursuit of their rationalist goals; the Bolsheviks and their successors envisaged a socialist transformation, the production indeed of ‘new socialist man’; Ihc revolutionaries of Iran pursued Islamisation of politics and society on the model of the Prophet and his immediate successors.
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Leon Trotsky, The Third International After Lenin (New York: Pathfinder, 1975) p. 48.
Michael Mann, ‘The Autonomous Power of the State’, in his States, War and Capitalism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988) p. 5
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Leon Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed (London: New Park Publications, 1967) pp. 90–1.
The most striking instance of this policy by the USA was the blockade imposed on Cuba in 1961 and sustained throughout the ensuing four decades. For one account Morris Morley, Imperial State and Revolution. The United States and Cuba, 1952–1986 (Cambridge: CUP, 1987)
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Eric Roll, A History of Economic Thought revised edition (London: Faber & Faber, 1973) pp. 227–31.
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Among a large literature Paul Baran, The Political Economy of Growth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1957)
Johan Galtung, ‘The Politics of Self-Reliance’, in Heraldo Muñoz (ed.), From Dependency to Development (Boulder: Westview, 1981)
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For contemporary analysis of Third World socialist states, see World Development, vol. 9, no. 9/10 (September–October 1981), special issue’ socialist Models of Development’; Christopher Chase-Dunn (ed.), Socialist States in the World-System (London: Sage, 1982)
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Quoted in E. H. Carr, Foundations of a Planned Economy 1926–1929 (Harmondworth: Pelican, 1974) p. 429.
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Ronald Chilcote, Amilcar Cahral’s Revolutionary Theory and Practice: A Critical Guide (London: Lynne Rienner, 1991) p. 38.
For one cogent argument as to the necessary impasse of the state social model, see Wlodzimierz Brus and Kazimierz Laski, From Marx to the Market (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).
Richard Fagen, Carmen Diana Deere and Jose Luis Coraggio (eds), Transition and Development, Problems of Third World Socialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1986)
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I have discussed the history and nature of the Cold War in a number of earlier writings, notably The Making of the Second Cold War (London: Verso, 1983); ‘The Ends of Cold War’, in Robin Blackburn (ed.), After the Fall: Rethinking International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1994)
Jerry Hough, Democratization and Revolution in the USSR 1985–1991 (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1997)
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Rudolf Bahro, The Alternative in Eastern Europe (London: Verso, 1978) pp. 256–7.
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© 1999 Fred Halliday
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Halliday, F. (1999). Systemic Constraints: Revolutionary ‘Transformation’ and Autarky. In: Revolution and World Politics. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27702-5_10
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