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State, Church and Voluntarism in European Welfare, 1690–1850

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Abstract

The reconfiguration of charity and social discipline which took place in the 150 years or so following the Reformation has attracted the attention of a distinguished roster of historians. Characteristically, each has focused on the experience of a particular country, even a particular region. Yet they have also shown an interest in comparative issues. Curiosity about the extent and nature of differences between Catholic and Protestant practice has provided an important stimulus to this form of work. Collectively, historians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have succeeded in mapping out a fairly coherent picture of commonalities and variations, both in the intentions and in the achievements of governments and the charitable in the face of poverty and distress. Robert Jutte’s recent survey, Poverty and Deviance in Early Modern Europe, synthesizes a generation and more of this work.1

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Notes

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  43. For Denmark, see M. Jørgensen, ‘L’assistance aux pauvres au Danemark jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIès.’, in T. Riis (ed.), La pauvreté dans les pays nordiques 1500–1800 (Odense, 1990), p. 15, and in the same volume A. Nakken, ‘La pauvreté en Norvège 1500–1800’, p. 86.

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  44. Thus Jutte, Poverty and Deviance, pp. 100–5, 112–20. S. Cavallo, Charity and Power in Early Modern Italy. Benefactors and their Motives in Turin, 1541–1789 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 23–9.

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  46. The move to confine the French poor in ‘general hospitals’ was most famously described by M. Foucault, Madness and Civilization, trans. R. Howard (New York, 1965), ch. 2.

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  47. See also J.-P. Gutton, La société et les pauvres. L’example de la generalité de Lyon 1534–1789 (Paris, 1970), pp. 295–349

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  48. C. Jones, The Charitable Imperative: Hospitals and Nursing in Ancien Régime and Revolutionary France (London, 1989), esp. ch. 1. Italy had a long tradition of municipal hospital foundations, but for initiatives influenced by French example see L. Cajani, ‘L’assistenza ai poveri nella Toscana settecentesca’, in G. Politi, M. Rosa and F. Della Peruta (eds.), Timore e carita. I poveri nellItalia moderna (Annali della Biblioteca statale e libreria civica di Cremona XXVII-XXX, 1982), pp. 145–6. From the sixteenth century on, the general hospital/workhouse ideal was firmly implanted in European consciousness, and subject to periodic reinvigoration in all parts of Europe. G. F. Piccaluga, ‘La riforma dell pubblica assistenza sotto il governo di Maria Teresa’, in Politi et al. (eds.), Timore e carita, pp. 325–34 reports Lombardy’s Austrian rulers pressing for a new ‘Albergo dei poveri’ there in the mid-eighteenth century; hospitals at Genoa and Madrid were taken as architectural models

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  49. For Scotland, R. Mitchison, ‘North and South: the development of the gulf in Poor Law practice’, in R. A. Houston and I. D. Whyte (eds.), Scottish Society 1500–1800 (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 199–255, and

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  50. R. A. Cage, The Scottish Poor Law 1745–1845 (Edinburgh, 1981).

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  51. For Ireland, David Dickson, ‘In search of the Old Irish Poor Law’, in R. Mitchison and P. Roebuck (eds.), Economy and Society in Scotland and Ireland 1500–1939 (Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 149–59, and

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  52. H. Burke, The People and the Poor Law in Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Littlehampton, W. Sussex, 1987). The question, should the English Poor Law be extended to Ireland, was repeatedly asked after the Union of British and Irish Parliaments in 1801 — but, until after the establishment of the English ‘New Poor Law’, persistently answered in the negative.

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  53. For England, P. Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1988), p. 170, notes that in 1696, 82 per cent of north Shropshire parishes reported themselves to have raised taxes for the poor. Even these high figures probably understate activity, since some of the non-respondents were ‘peculiars’, to whom the episcopally organized enquiry was probably not directed. Other figures are supplied in Emminghaus (ed.), Poor Relief, pp. 254 (for Belgium in 1856), 208 (for France, various dates from 1833), 147 (for Austria, 1846 and 1866). For Piedmont, PP 1834 (XXXVIII) App. F, p. lxxvii (for the earlier history of these congregations: Cavallo, Charity and Power, pp. 183, 193–4). For the gradual development of initially nominal local provision in eighteenth-century Denmark, see Jørgensen, ‘L’assistance’, pp. 21–9. The establishment of such local bodies was not obligatory in all systems: in France, for example, instructions of the Restoration period made it plain that it was up to local authorities to determine whether the establishment of a bureau de bienfaisance was necessary at all (Price, ‘Poor relief’, 429).

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  55. Naville, De la charité légale, vol. 1, p. 58. For Prussia, see also G. Steinmetz, Regulating the Social. The Welfare State and Social Politics in Imperial Germany (Princeton, 1993), pp. 112–13.

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  56. The development of formal district-level responsibilities of this kind often built upon earlier de facto practice of concentrating certain kinds of provision in large towns, which functioned in this as in other respects as regional centres. Penal workhouses or houses of correction were among the earliest to be formally assigned to district-level authorities. In France, the maintenance of ‘dépôts de mendicité’ was made the responsibility of the generalité in the 1770s, of the departement in 1808. French departements became responsible for providing lunatic asylums from 1838. In Prussia, provinces were made responsible for providing poorhouses in 1794; under French rule, the departements of the Rhine Province were to maintain workhouses; in 1811, also to provide foundling hospitals. In Bavaria in 1816 it was made the responsibility of the district to support poorhouses and workhouses, of the ‘circle’ to maintain foundling and maternity hospitals and lunatic asylums. In Spain in 1821 provinces were directed to maintain poorhouses, orphanages, infirmaries and maternity hospitals. In England, counties were empowered to maintain lunatic asylums from 1808, but required to do so only from 1845. A system of district asylums was instituted in Ireland in 1817. In Austria, by contrast, from the time of Joseph II the tendency had been to put such institutions under the direct control of the state; they were devolved to the care of territorial governments only in 1860. (In by no means all, and perhaps few of these cases were such responsibilities comprehensively discharged.) Emminghaus (ed.), Poor Relief, pp. 40, 123, 150–2, 210; R. M Schwartz, Policing the Poor in Eighteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill, 1988), pp. 158–9

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  57. G. Best, Shaftesbury (London, 1964), pp. 42–9; Burke, People and the Poor Law, pp. 2–3; Jones, Charitable Imperative, p. 275.

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  58. For the English New Poor Law: S. and B. Webb, English Poor Law Policy. Part 2, The Last Hundred Years (London, 1929)

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  60. Driver, Power and Pauperism. For workhouses, A. Crowther, The Workhouse System 1834–1929 (London, 1981). The system of poor law ‘unions’ was extended to Ireland in 1838 (Burke, People and the Poor Law, pp. 46–7), but in Scotland, while towns were united for poor law purposes, rural provision remained parish-based (Cage, Scottish Poor Law, ch. 8).

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  61. ‘Cantons’ comprised a small number of communes. I. Woloch, The New Regime. Transformations of the French Civic Order 1789–1820s (New York, 1994), chs. 8–9 provides a brief overview

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  62. J.-P. Gross, Fair Shares for All (Cambridge, 1996) sets relief policy narrowly conceived in the context of Jacobin social policy more broadly

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  63. Forrest, French Revolution and the Poor provides more detail on implementation; Duprat, Le temps des philanthropes, part II, is a case study of Paris, C. Jones, Charity and Bienfaisance. The Treatment of the Poor in the Montpellier Region 1740–1815 (Cambridge, 1982), part III, of provincial France. French influence elsewhere in Europe was experienced as statist and centralizing, inasmuch as previously largely autonomous bodies were subjected to government control. By comparison with what was attempted in France in the heyday of the Revolution, these were none the less relatively modest ventures (see Caprioli, ‘Il sistema della beneficenza’ and

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  65. See thus P. Bonenfant, Le problème du paupérisme en Belgique à la fin de l’ancien régime (Brussels, 1934), pp. 138–45, 318, 369–70, 401–4

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  67. See n. 15 above; also Innes, ‘The “mixed economy of welfare”’, p. 152, for a failed early eighteenth-century proposal to bring more charities under local government control. For the growth of the workhouse out of the charity-school movement, T. Hitchcock, ‘Paupers and preachers: the SPCK and the parochial workhouse movement’, in L. Davison et al. (eds.), Stilling the Grumbling Hive. The Response to Social and Economic Problems in England 1689–1750 (Stroud, 1992), pp. 145–66.

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  68. For the seventeenth century, see n. 18 above; for revolutionary initiatives, n. 39. For a local study of such arrangements, D. Higgs, ‘Politics and charity in Toulouse 1750–1850’, in J. F. Bosher (ed.), French Government and Society 1500–1850. Essays in Memory of Alfred Cobban (London, 1973), pp. 191–207.

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  70. The remodelling of older charities was not a feature of the Enlightenment and revolutionary years only: see Cajani, ‘L’assistenza’, p. 78. For Enlightened and revolutionary assaults on church and charitable funds: P. G. M. Dickson, ‘Joseph II’s reshaping of the Austrian Church’, Eng. Hist. Rev., 36 (1993), pp. 89–114

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  74. R. Carr, Spain 1808–1975 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 172–6, 252–3. For links with relief policy, see Bernard, ‘Poverty and poor relief’, pp. 245–6; Forrest, French Revolution and the Poor, pp. 38–43; Cajani, ‘L’assistenze’, p. 204; Shubert, ‘Charity properly understood’, p. 39.

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  75. For brief observations on German trends, C. Sachsse and F. Tennstedt, Geschichte der Armenfursorge in Deutschland (2 vols., Stuttgart, 1988), p. 227.

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  79. For the role of the clergy in prerevolutionary France, see T. Tackett, Priest and Parish in Eighteenth-Century France (Princeton, 1977), pp. 157–9, and index under ‘poor relief’; for their role in the nineteenth century, Price, ‘Poor relief’, p. 438.

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  82. S. O’Brien, ‘French nuns in nineteenth-century England’, Past and Present, 154 (1997), pp. 142–80, also essays by Mills and Luddy in this volume. Villeneuve-Bargemont listed charitable congregations of men and women, Economie politique chrétienne, vol. 2, pp. 346–7; Petitti di Roreto did the same for Italy, Saggio sul buon govemo, vol. 1, pp. 291–308.

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  86. W. R. Ward, The Protestant Evangelical Awakening (Cambridge, 1992) for the first movement.

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  87. There is no comparable survey of the second, but see for Britain, W. R. Ward, Religion and Society in England 1790–1850 (London, 1972)

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  88. R. H. Martin, Evangelicals United: Ecumenical Stirrings in Pre-Victorian Britain (London, 1983), and

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  89. D. M Lewis, Lighten their Darkness. The Evangelical Mission to Working-Class London 1828–60 (New York, 1986); and for Germany and Scandinavia

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  91. C. Clark, The Politics of Conversion. Missionary Protestantism and the Jews in Prussia 1728–1941 (Oxford, 1995), esp. ch. 3, has interesting material on Anglo-German links in the Awakening; see also Prelinger, Charity, Challenge, p. 33, for such links in a Hamburg context. Lindenmeyr, Poverty is not a Vice, pp. 105–6, 113–14 for the Russian Bible Society.

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  92. S. Brown, Thomas Chalmers and the Godly Commonwealth (Oxford, 1982).

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  94. See also Owen, English Philanthropy, ch. 5. M. Roberts, ‘Reshaping the gift relationship. The London Mendicity Society and the suppression of begging in England 1818’1869’, Int. Rev. Soc. Hist., 36 (1991), p. 212 emphasizes that forms of charity attractive to evangelicals were not peculiar to them. For Germany, Shanahan, German Protestants, ch. 2; Prelinger, Charity, Challenge, chs. 1–2. For Holland, Dekker’s chapter in this volume. Note that despite the voluntary organization of much of this charitable activity, those who carried it out might be paid agents.

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  95. Shanahan, German Protestants, ch. 2, pp. 70–98 and chs. 3–6. D. E. Barclay, Frederick William IV and the Prussian Monarchy 1840–61 (Oxford, 1995), and Beck, Origins of the Authoritarian Welfare State, ch. 7 set the scene, but do not deal with Wichern.

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  98. J.-M. de Gérando, The Visitor of the Poor (London, 1833; original French edn. 1820), ch. 11, ‘The Spirit of Association’. Villeneuve-Bargemont, Economie politique chrétienne, vol. 2, pp. 342ff celebrates the associative spirit, but is keen to emphasize the pioneering role played by religious associations: p. 545 he writes that he cannot understand how M. le comte de Laborde, in his work on the spirit of association, failed to identify the contribution made by religious and charitable congregations, and instead praised English societies (the reference is to A. de Laborde, De l’esprit d’association [Paris, 1821]). In the later nineteenth century, it became commonplace to question the effects of the uncoordinated proliferation of charitable societies, but this was not a common theme in the first half of the century. For such later complaints, R. Humphreys, Sin, Organised Charity and the Poor Law in Victorian England (London, 1995), pp. 4–5

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  100. J. Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, trans. T. Burger (Cambridge, 1989), which has greatly influenced work in this field, and which identifies England as the cradle of a new kind of public life, does not much emphasize the role of associations in forming the ‘bourgeois public sphere’ (see p. 35), but that link is commonly made in the literature: e.g. M. Becker, The Emergence of Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century (Bloomington, Indiana, 1994), p. 59. For the developing language of sociability in France (within the context of broader European thought)

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  101. see D. Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty (Princeton, 1994), esp. ch. 2. For English practice

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  103. Some information on Dutch associative practice can be found in M. C. Jacob and W. W. Mijnhardt (eds.), The Dutch Republic in the Eighteenth Century (Ithaca, 1992), esp. chs. 4, 12 and 15. For associational life as a manifestation of ‘civic virtue’, see e.g. [Duquesnoy], Recueil de mémoires, XVIII, 124 (vol. 1, as bound by the British Library).

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  104. D. Andrew, Philanthropy and Police (Princeton, 1989), chs. 5–6.

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  125. To this list might be added the employer. The development of both the theory and practice of employer sponsorship of welfare services-an increasingly important theme in the early nineteenth century-deserves more attention than I have given it here. See Villeneuve-Bargemont, Economie politique chrétienne, vol. 3, pp. 163ff; Gérando, De la bienfaisance publique, vol. 3, pp. 289ff; I. Bradley, Enlightened Entrepreneurs (London, 1987)

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© 1998 Joanna Innes

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Innes, J. (1998). State, Church and Voluntarism in European Welfare, 1690–1850. In: Cunningham, H., Innes, J. (eds) Charity, Philanthropy and Reform. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26681-4_2

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