Advertisement

The Past in the Present: Contemporary Russian Nationalism in Historical Perspective

  • Simon Dixon
Part of the Studies in Russia and East Europe book series (SREE)

Abstract

As late as 1991, the collapse of communist rule in Russia seemed no more probable to many seasoned observers than it had to Trubetskoi, writing in exile in Sofia seventy years earlier. In the eyes of the outside world, and indeed of many native Russians, the restoration of Russian statehood remained a pipedream cherished only by a small minority of nationalists who were widely dismissed as dissident cranks. Yet in the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s unexpected demise on 31 December 1991, at least a part of their dream was finally realized and it is worth noting some of its similarities with the ‘miracle’ mocked by Trubetskoi. First, though the West may not have rushed into diplomatic pacts with the emergent Russian Federation, its leaders have been willing both to offer the Russian government a measure of economic aid and to turn a blind eye to its military activities in Chechnia in the interests of political stability in Europe and Central Asia. Only such an unaccustomed degree of international insulation has permitted Russia’s politicians to launch peacefully into their predictably chaotic search for the domestic solution that will divide Russians least. That quest has been self-consciously conducted in terms designed to emphasize that the resultant regime must be ‘Russia’s Choice’, to quote the revealing title of the most uncompromisingly reformist party.2

Keywords

Russian Revolution Chaotic Search American Historical Review Statist Nationalism Russian Nationalism 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

References

  1. 1.
    N.S. Trubetskoi, ‘Russkaia problema’, in Na putiakh: Utverzhdenie evraziitsev, book 2, Moscow/Berlin, 1922, p. 294.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    For the other end of the political spectrum, see Nikolai Pavlov, ‘Russkie: bremia vybora’, Nash sovremennik, 1995, no. 1, pp. 146–66.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Michael Urban, ‘The Politics of Identity in Russia’s Postcommunist Transition: The Nation against Itself’, Slavic Review, vol. 53, 1994, no. 3, pp. 733–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  4. 4.
    Yuri Slezkine, ‘The USSR as a Communal Apartment, or How a Socialist State Promoted Ethnic Particularism’, Slavic Review, vol. 53, 1994, no. 2, especially pp. 424–5, 434–5, 443–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  5. 5.
    Hugh Seton-Watson, ‘Russian Nationalism in Historical Perspective’, in Robert Conquest (ed.), The Last Empire: Nationality and the Soviet Future, Stanford, California, 1986, p. 27.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    For the sake of simplicity, I employ the masculine singular form throughout.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    A thesis might be written on the origins of the term rossiiskii: for signposts, see Michael Cherniavsky, Tsar and People: Studies in Russian Myths, New York, 1961, pp. 118–21.Google Scholar
  8. Gregory Freidin, ‘Romans into Italians: Russian National Identity in Transition’, Stanford Slavic Studies, vol. 7, 1993, pp. 241–74, reflects on the changing meanings of the term russkii in modern Russia.Google Scholar
  9. 8.
    See, for example, E.A. Bagramov et al., Razdelit li Rossiia uchast’ Soiuza SSR? Krizis mezhnatsional’nykh otnoshenii i federal’naia natsional’naia politika, Moscow, 1993, pp. 31, 62, 235–6.Google Scholar
  10. 9.
    Dmitrii S. Likhachev, Reflections on Russia, ed. N.N. Petro, trans. C. Sever, Boulder, Colorado, 1991, passim.Google Scholar
  11. 10.
    A prolific exponent of this view has been Alisa Rusakova: ‘O statuse russkikh v Rossii’, Molodaia gvardiia, 1994, no. 3, pp. 8–14; ‘Konstitutsiia poraboshcheniia russkogo naroda’, ibid., 1994, no. 4, pp. 102–8; ‘Russkie i evraziiskii soiuz’, ibid., 1994, no. 9, especially p. 7; and ‘Glavnaia natsiia Rossii i kak ee ekspluatiruiut’, ibid., 1995, no. 2, pp. 141–50. In less strident form, the same view has penetrated academic writings.Google Scholar
  12. See, for example, A.I. Vdovin, ‘Etnopolitika i formirovanie novoi gosudarstvennosti v Rossii’, Kentavr, 1994, no. 1, pp. 10–11.Google Scholar
  13. 11.
    John B. Dunlop, The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire, Princeton, New Jersey, 1993.Google Scholar
  14. 12.
    Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the Extreme Right in Russia, New York, 1993.Google Scholar
  15. 13.
    For example, V.D. Solovei, who collaborated with Laqueur, makes extensive reference to Dunlop in ‘Russkii natsionalizm i vlast v epokhu Gorbacheva’, in P. Goble and G. Bordiugov (eds), Mezhnatsional’nye otnosheniia v Rossiia i SNG, Moscow, 1994, pp. 46–72.Google Scholar
  16. 14.
    Laqueur, Black Hundred, pp. 175, 160, 105. The term ‘russophobia’ was coined by Solzhenitsyn and gained currency in the 1980s as the title of a book by the dissident nationalist mathematician, Igor Shafarevich, Rusofobiia, published in abbreviated form, shorn of its critical apparatus, as ‘Rusofobiia’, Nash sovremennik, 1989, no. 6, pp. 167–92.Google Scholar
  17. 15.
    F.I. Tiutchev, Stikhotvoreniia, Leningrad, 1957, p. 230.Google Scholar
  18. For an important recent study by a sophisticated nationalist writer, see Vadim Kozhinov, Tiutchev, Moscow, 1988.Google Scholar
  19. 16.
    V.P. Buldakov, ‘Rusofobiia: proiskhozhdenie psikhoza’, in A.L. Litvin (ed.), Fenomen narodofobii. XX vek, Kazan’, 1994, p. 15;Google Scholar
  20. Harriet Murav, ‘A Curse on Russia: Gorenshtein’s Anti-Psalom and the Critics’, Russian Review, vol. 52, 1993, p. 214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  21. 17.
    Moskovskii sbornik, Moscow, 1896, passim; Robert F. Byrnes, Pobedonostsev: His Life and Thought, Bloomington, 1968, pp. 22–4, 291–2. Like Gladstone (whose work he translated), Pobedonostsev recorded his daily reading in his diaries: for the period 1896–1903, see Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv, fond 1574, opis’ 1, delo 2a.Google Scholar
  22. 18.
    I.A. Il’in, ‘Pochemu my verim v Rossiiu’, reprinted in Il’in, Nashi zadachi: Stat’i 1948–1954gg., 2 vols, Paris, 1956, vol. 1, p. 85.Google Scholar
  23. 19.
    V. Agafonov and V. Rokitianskii, Rossiia v poiskakh budushchego, Moscow, 1993, p. 297.Google Scholar
  24. 20.
    ‘Homecoming’, BBC1, 10 April 1995.Google Scholar
  25. 21.
    Compare, for example, the different categorizations of John Hutchinson, Modern Nationalism, London, 1994, pp. 1–38,Google Scholar
  26. and Anthony D. Smith, ‘Gastronomy or Geology? The Role of Nationalism in the Reconstruction of Nations’, Nations and Nationalism, vol. 1, 1995, no. 1, pp. 3–23, an incisive critique to which I am indebted for the typology which follows.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  27. 22.
    Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edn, London, 1991, p. 4.Google Scholar
  28. Among students of the former Soviet Union, this model has found its most powerful (though not uncritical) exponent in Ronald Grigor Suny, The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union, Stanford, New Jersey, 1993.Google Scholar
  29. 23.
    Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, Oxford, 1983 is more materialist than his earlier Thought and Change, London, 1964, ch. 7.Google Scholar
  30. 24.
    Anthony D. Smith, National Identity, Harmondsworth, 1991, pp. 68–70;Google Scholar
  31. id., The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Oxford, 1986.Google Scholar
  32. 25.
    Smith, ‘Gastronomy or Geology?’, p. 18.Google Scholar
  33. 26.
    A classic text in this tradition is Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914, London, 1977.Google Scholar
  34. 27.
    Gregory L. Freeze, ‘The soslovie (Estate) Paradigm in Russian Social History’, American Historical Review, vol. 91, 1986, no. 1, pp. 11–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  35. 28.
    See, for example, B.N. Mironov, Russkii gorod v 1740e–1860e gody: demograficheskoe, sotsial’noe i ekonomicheskoe razvitie, Leningrad, 1990, ch. 4;Google Scholar
  36. Dominic Lieven, The Aristocracy in Europe 1815–1915, London, 1992, pp. 43–6, 56–7;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  37. 29.
    Alfred J. Rieber’s legitimate insistence on the interpenetration of Russian elite and peasant cultures is insufficient justification for his conclusion that ‘The social distance between the upper classes and the peasant masses was never so great in Russia as in Western Europe’: ‘The Sedimentary Society’, in E.W. Clowes, S.D. Kassow and J.L. West (eds), Between Tsar and People: Educated Society and the Quest for Public Identity in Late Imperial Russia, Princeton, New Jersey, 1991, p. 347.Google Scholar
  38. 30.
    Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1992, pp. 235–50;Google Scholar
  39. Il’ia Serman, ‘Russian National Consciousness in its Development in the Eighteenth Century’ in Roger Bartlett and Janet M. Hartley (eds), Russia in the Age of the Enlightenment, London, 1990, pp. 40–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  40. 31.
    V.G. Belinskii, ‘Obshchee znachenie slova literatura’, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 13 vols, Moscow, 1953–9, vol. 5, pp. 633–4 (emphasis in the original).Google Scholar
  41. On the self-evidently Germanic origins of these ideas, see Victor Terras, Belinskij and Russian Literary Criticism: The Heritage of Organic Aesthetics, Madison, Wisconsin, 1974, pp. 92–101.Google Scholar
  42. 32.
    Wayne Dowler, Dostoevsky, Grigor’ev, and Native Soil Conservatism, Toronto, 1982, pp. 55–7, 59, and passim;Google Scholar
  43. Joseph Frank, Dostoevsky: The Stir of Liberation, 1860–1865, London, 1987, ch. 4.Google Scholar
  44. 33.
    Excellent though it is, current American scholarship on individual reforms lays so much emphasis on bureaucratic processes that this fundamental point is often obscured. It emerges, however, in W. Bruce Lincoln, The Great Reforms: Autocracy, Bureaucracy and the Politics of Change in Imperial Russia, DeKalb, Illinois, 1990, pp. 168–9, 191–7.Google Scholar
  45. 34.
    See Adele Lindenmeyr, ‘The Rise of Voluntary Associations during the Great Reforms: The Case of Charity’, in Ben Eklof, John Bushnell and Larissa Zakharova (eds), Russia’s Great Reforms, 1855–1881, Bloomington, Indiana, 1994, pp. 264–75.Google Scholar
  46. 35.
    Leopold H. Haimson, ‘The Problem of Social Identities in Early Twentieth-Century Russia’, Slavic Review, vol. 47, 1988, no. 1, pp. 1–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  47. 36.
    Richard S. Wortman, The Development of a Russian Legal Consciousness, Chicago, Illinois, 1976;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  48. Cathy A. Frierson, Peasant Icons: Representations of Rural People in Late 19th Century Russia, New York/Oxford, 1993, ch. 3.Google Scholar
  49. 37.
    Whether one believes in noble decline with Roberta Manning, The Crisis of the Old Order in Russia: Gentry and Government, Princeton, New Jersey, 1982,Google Scholar
  50. or in noble adaptability with Seymour Becker, Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia, DeKalb, Illinois, 1985, the evidence for growing group-consciousness is overwhelming.Google Scholar
  51. 38.
    Richard S. Wortman, ‘Rule by Sentiment: Alexander II’s Journeys through the Russian Empire’, American Historical Review, vol. 95, 1990, no. 4, pp. 745–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  52. 39.
    The classic statement, a starting-point for much subsequent research, remains Leopold H. Haimson, ‘The Problem of Social Stability in Urban Russia, 1905–1917’, Part One, Slavic Review, vol. 23, 1964, no. 4, pp. 619–42 and Part Two, ibid., vol. 24, 1965, no. 1, pp. 1–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  53. 40.
    F.M. Dostoevskii, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, 30 vols, Leningrad, 1972–90, vol. 18, pp. 41–61 passim, especially p. 57: ‘Vsiakii russkii prezhde vsego russkii, a potom uzhe prinadlezhit k kakomunibud’ sosloviiu.’Google Scholar
  54. 41.
    Guides to the social history of 1917 include Daniel H. Kaiser (ed.), The Workers’ Revolution in Russia, 1917: The View from Below, Cambridge, 1987;Google Scholar
  55. and Robert Service (ed.), Society and Politics in the Russian Revolution, London, 1992.Google Scholar
  56. R. Suny, ‘Nationalism and Class in the Russian Revolution: a Comparative Discussion’, in Edith Rogovin Frankel, Jonathan Frankel and Baruch Knei Paz (eds), Revolution in Russia: Reassessments of 1917, Cambridge, 1992, pp. 219–46, seeks plausibly to blur the boundaries between nation and class, but is concerned almost exclusively with the non-Russians.Google Scholar
  57. 42.
    Orlando Figes, Peasant Russia, Civil War: The Volga Countryside in Revolution, 1917–1921, Oxford, 1989, pp. 151, 224–5.Google Scholar
  58. 43.
    The phrase is Moshe Lewin’s: see M. Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System, London, 1985, p. 265.Google Scholar
  59. 44.
    For important recent contributions on this highly controversial question, see J. Arch Getty and Roberta T. Manning (eds), Stalinist Terror: New Perspectives, Cambridge, 1993, especially part IV on the numbers involved. Robert Conquest stoutly maintains that the revisionists underestimate the fatalities.Google Scholar
  60. 45.
    Compare Evan Mawdsley, ‘Portrait of a Changing Élite: CPSU Central Committee Full Members 1939–1990’, in Stephen White (ed.), New Directions in Soviet History, Cambridge, 1992, pp. 191–206,Google Scholar
  61. with the standard accounts of social mobility: Sheila Fitzpatrick, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union 1921–1934, Cambridge, 1979;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  62. id., The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia, Ithaca, New York/London, 1992, especially ch. 7;Google Scholar
  63. and Kendall E. Bailes, Technology and Society under Lenin and Stalin, Princeton, New Jersey, 1978.Google Scholar
  64. 46.
    John Barber and Mark Harrison, The Soviet Home Front 1941–1945: A Social and Economic History of the USSR in World War II, London, 1991, ch. 6, passim.Google Scholar
  65. 47.
    See, for example, Boris Shiriaev, ‘Nadnatsional’noe gosudarstvo na territorii Evrazii’, Evraziiskaia khronika, no. 7, Paris, 1927, pp. 10–11.Google Scholar
  66. 48.
    Graham Smith, ‘Privilege and Place in Soviet Society’, in D. Gregory and R. Walford (eds), Horizons in Human Geography, London, 1989, pp. 320–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  67. 49.
    Mervyn Matthews, Poverty in the Soviet Union: The Life-styles of the Underprivileged in Recent Years, Cambridge, 1986, pp. 148–55;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  68. Michael Voslensky, Nomenklatura: Anatomy of the Soviet Ruling Class, trans. E. Mosbacher, London, 1984, p. 239.Google Scholar
  69. 50.
    Michael Cherniavsky, ‘Russia’, in Orest Ranum (ed.), National Consciousness, History and Political Culture in Early-Modern Europe, Baltimore, Maryland/London, 1975, pp. 118–43, quoted at p. 135.Google Scholar
  70. 51.
    Anatolii Lanshchikov, ‘Budet li sushchestvovat’ Rossiia? Starie voprosy i novye otvety’, Moskva, 1995, no. 1, p. 114. Interestingly, Lanshchikov uses the word ‘soslovie’.Google Scholar
  71. 52.
    Olga Kryshtanovskaya, ‘Rich and Poor in Post-Communist Russia’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 10, 1994, no. 1, pp. 3–24, traces increasingly rapid social differentiation since 1987, when capitalist operations in Russia were legitimized. One might also note that Chernomyrdin, whilst abolishing the restrictive propiska, replaced it with a suspiciously similar system of ‘registration’: Rossiiskaia gazeta, 27 July 1995.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  72. 53.
    As a masterly recent history of Rus’ argues, there was already evidence by the 12th century of an elite culture that ‘came to look and sound less and less like an obvious superimposition, more and more like an effective and distinctive synthesis of three originally quite separate strands — Byzantine, Scandinavian, and Slav’. See Simon Franklin and Jonathan Shepard, The Emergence of Rus 750–1200, London, 1996, p. 319.Google Scholar
  73. 54.
    The 1989 census revealed that whilst ethnic Russians constituted only 82 per cent of the population of the Russian Federation, some 25 million Russians remained outside its borders.Google Scholar
  74. 55.
    Dunlop, Rise of Russia, p. 123, and ch. 4, passim.Google Scholar
  75. 56.
    A.I. Vdovin, ‘Rossiiskaia natsiia. K nyneshnym sporam vokrug natsional’noi idei’, Kentavr, 1995, no. 3, pp. 9–11.Google Scholar
  76. On the embarrassing connotations of federalism for Russian nationalists, see my ‘The Russians and the Russian Question’, in Graham Smith (ed.), The Nationalities Question in the Post-Soviet States, London, 1996, pp. 62–3.Google Scholar
  77. 57.
    See, inter alia, Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, ‘The Emergence of Eurasianism’, California Slavic Studies, vol. 4, 1967, pp. 39–72;Google Scholar
  78. Charles Halperin, ‘George Vernadsky, Eurasianism, the Mongols and Russia’, Slavic Review, vol. 41, 1982, no. 3, pp. 477–93;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  79. and Jane Burbank, Intelligentsia and Revolution: Russian Views of Bolshevism, 1917–1922, Oxford, 1986, pp. 208–22.Google Scholar
  80. 58.
    On links with Solov’ev, see G. Nivat, ‘Du “Panmongolisme” au “mouvement Eurasien”’, Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, vol. 7, 1966, no. 3, pp. 460–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  81. 59.
    The most stimulating account remains Mikhail Agursky, The Third Rome: National Bolshevism in the USSR, Boulder, Colorado, 1987. For Eurasianist reaction to other émigrés’ charges of ‘closet Bolshevism’, see, for example, ‘Po povodu polemiki s evraziitsami’, Evraziiskaia khronika, no. 6, Paris, 1926, pp. 18–19.Google Scholar
  82. 60.
    Roman Jakobson (ed.), N.S. Trubetzkoy’s Letters and Notes, The Hague/Paris, 1975, p. 21, 28 July 1921; p. 135, 24 June 1929. In the same vein, one wonders whether the distinguished Glasgow journal Soviet Studies clarified its field of interest by renaming itself Europe-Asia Studies.Google Scholar
  83. 61.
    P.N. Savitskii, Rossiia — osobyi geograficheskii mir, Prague, 1926.Google Scholar
  84. 62.
    On Savitskii, see Mark Bassin, ‘Russia between Europe and Asia: The Ideological Construction of Geographical Space’, Slavic Review, vol. 50, 1991, no. 1, pp. 14–17.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  85. For comparisons with Mackinder, see Milan Hauner, What is Asia to Us? Russia’s Asian Heartland Yesterday and Today, London, 1992, part 3,Google Scholar
  86. and W.H. Parker, Mackinder: Geography as an Aid to Statecraft, Oxford, 1982.Google Scholar
  87. 63.
    Pending the study he deserves, the notes to his correspondence with Pasternak, published as an appendix to Vadim Kozovoi, Poet v katastrofe, Paris-Moscow, 1994, pp. 187–286, and Kozovoi’s discussion of their relationship, pp. 23–118, serve as a guide to Suvchinskii’s place in Russian culture.Google Scholar
  88. 64.
    John M. MacKenzie, Orientalism: History, Theory and the Arts, Manchester, 1995, pp. 154–5, 170–1, 198–9. A convincing account of Russian music in its cultural-historical context remains to be written.Google Scholar
  89. For a Soviet interpretation, see T.N. Livanova, ‘Russkaia muzyka v period obrazovaniia russkoi natsii’, in N.M. Druzhinin and L.V. Cherepnin (eds), Voprosy formirovaniia russkoi narodnosti i natsii, Moscow/Leningrad, 1958, pp. 347–87.Google Scholar
  90. 65.
    Conference discussion was diverted into complex gastronomic metaphors by my suggestion that although a Eurasian restaurant might offer both Oriental and European menus, no-one would expect borshch as its dish-of-the-day.Google Scholar
  91. 66.
    See, for example, A.A. Saltykov, Evraziitsy i ukraintsy: k probleme edinstva russkoi natsional’noi kul’tury, supplement to Karpatskii svet, Uzhgorod, 1930.Google Scholar
  92. 67.
    Smith, National Identity, pp. 35–7.Google Scholar
  93. 68.
    Gregory L. Freeze, The Parish Clergy in Nineteenth-Century Russia: Crisis, Reform, Counter-Reform, Princeton, New Jersey, 1983 is the definitive treatment.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  94. 69.
    See, for example, John D. Morison, ‘The Church Schools and Seminaries in the Russian Revolution of 1905–06’, in Geoffrey A. Hosking (ed.), Church, Nation and State in Russia and Ukraine, London, 1991, pp. 193–209;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  95. and John Meyendorff, ‘Russian Bishops and Church Reform in 1905’, in Robert L. Nichols and Theofanis George Stavrou (eds), Russian Orthodoxy under the Old Regime, Minneapolis, Minnesota, 1978, pp. 170–82.Google Scholar
  96. 70.
    See, for example, Hans Rogger, Russia in the Age of Modernisation and Revolution, 1881–1917, London, 1983, p. 65; Marc Szeftel, ‘Church and State in Imperial Russia’, in Nichols and Stavrou (eds), Russian Orthodoxy, pp. 136–7;Google Scholar
  97. and A.M. Davidovich, Samoderzhavie v epokhu imperializma: klassovaia sushchnost’ i evoliutsiia absoliutizma v Rossii, Moscow, 1975, p. 84.Google Scholar
  98. 71.
    I have sought to open up these neglected questions in part 1 of ‘Church, State and Society in Late Imperial Russia: The Diocese of St Petersburg, 1880–1914’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1993.Google Scholar
  99. 72.
    I suggested that this would be so in an essay written in 1990: ‘What Price an Orthodox Revival? The Dilemmas of the Russian Church’, in Peter J.S. Duncan and Martyn Rady (eds), Towards a New Community: Culture and Politics in Post-Totalitarian Europe, Hamburg/Münster, 1993, pp. 81–92. For further explorations of this theme, see Jonathan Sutton, Traditions in New Freedom: Christianity and Higher Education in Russia and Ukraine Today, Nottingham, 1996.Google Scholar
  100. 73.
    N.V. Riasanovksy, ‘N.S. Trubetskoy’s “Europe and Mankind”’, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, vol. 12, 1964, no. 2, p. 217. Bassin, n. 62 above, also emphasizes that the Eurasians ultimately failed to break the Russian custom of distinguishing between Europe and Asia.Google Scholar
  101. 74.
    See Hans Rogger, National Consciousness in Eighteenth-Century Russia, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1960, passim.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  102. 75.
    Quoted in Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment, Stanford, California, 1994, p. 208.Google Scholar
  103. 76.
    W.F. Reddaway (ed.), Documents of Catherine the Great: The Correspondence with Voltaire and the Instruction of 1767 in the English Text of 1768, Cambridge, 1931, p. 216, article 6.Google Scholar
  104. 77.
    Quoted in F. Kazemzadeh, Russia and Britain in Persia, 1864–1917, New Haven, Connecticut, 1968, p. 27.Google Scholar
  105. 78.
    D. Geyer, Russian Imperialism: The Interaction of Domestic and Foreign Policy, 1860–1914, trans. B. Little, Leamington Spa, 1987, p. 94. Count Reiset, sometime French diplomat in St Petersburg, was determined ‘to drive [the Russians] back into Asia whence you came.Google Scholar
  106. You are not a European Power; you ought not to be one, and you will not continue to be one if France remembers the part she ought to play in Europe.’ Quoted in W. Bruce Lincoln, In the Vanguard of Reform: Russia’s Enlightened Bureaucrats, 1825–1861, DeKalb, Illinois, 1982, p. 170.Google Scholar
  107. 79.
    I.S. Rybachenok, Soiuz s Frantsiei vo vneshnei politike Rossii v kontse XIXv, Moscow, 1993, pp. 184–5.Google Scholar
  108. 80.
    Quoted in G.A. Hosking, The Russian Constitutional Experiment: Government and Duma 1907–1914, Cambridge, 1973, p. 218. Even Struve believed, however, that ‘the area which is genuinely open to the influence of Russian culture … is the whole Black Sea basin: that is, all the European and Asian countries bordering on the Black Sea’.Google Scholar
  109. 81.
    A. Pyman, The Life of Aleksandr Blok, vol. II: The Release of Harmony 1908–1921, Oxford, 1978, pp. 291–4, quoted at p. 293.Google Scholar
  110. 82.
    Carol Avins, Border Crossings: The West and Russian Identity in Soviet Literature 1917–1934, Berkeley, California, 1983, pp. 29–34, quoted at p. 31.Google Scholar
  111. 83.
    Jakobson, Notes and Letters, p. 21.Google Scholar
  112. 84.
    For critiques, from different perspectives, of the widespread coverage of Eurasian ideas in the Russian press, see Valerii Senderov, ‘Evrazii: proshloe ili budushchee, realnost’ ili mif?’, Grani, no. 175, 1995, pp. 247–78;Google Scholar
  113. Appolon Kuz’min ‘Evraziiskii kapkan’, Molodaia gvardiia, 1994, no. 12, pp. 149–60;Google Scholar
  114. Natal’ia Narochnitskaia and Kseniia Malo, ‘Eshche raz o “evraziiskom soblazne”‘, Nash sovremennik, 1995, no. 4, pp. 128–37.Google Scholar
  115. 85.
    In the context of the present chapter, perhaps the most relevant work by this prolific and idiosyncratic scholar is his last, Ot Rusi k Rossii: Ocherki etnicheskoi istorii, Moscow, 1992. Readers of English have access to his most explicitly methodological book in translation, Ethnogenesis and the Biosphere, Moscow, 1990. See also Bruno Naarden, ‘“I am a genius, but no more than that.” (Lev Gumilëv, 1912–1992): Ethnogenesis, the Russian Past and World History’, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, vol. 44, 1996, no. 1, pp. 54–82.Google Scholar
  116. 86.
    See, inter alia, Iver B. Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe: A Study in Identity and International Relations, London, 1996, pp. 181–3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  117. 87.
    Cynthia H. Whittaker, The Origins of Modern Russian Education: An Intellectual Biography of Count Sergei Uvarov 1786–1855, DeKalb, Illinois, 1984, pp. 19–24;Google Scholar
  118. Uvarov quoted in Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, ‘Asia through Russian Eyes’, in Wayne S. Vucinich (ed.), Russia and Asia: Essays on the Influence of Russia on the Asian Peoples, Stanford, California, 1972, p. 12.Google Scholar
  119. 88.
    Striking studies include John Pemble, The Mediterranean Passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South, Oxford, 1987,Google Scholar
  120. and James Buzard, The Beaten Track: European Tourism, Literature and the Ways to ‘Culture’ 1800–1918, Oxford, 1993.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  121. 89.
    Susan Layton, Russian Literature and Empire: Conquest of the Caucasus from Pushkin to Tolstoy, Cambridge, 1994 is an original and significant study.Google Scholar
  122. 90.
    ‘Pis’mo o russkikh romanakh’, Severnaia lira na 1827 god, eds T.M. Gol’ts and A.L. Grishunin, Moscow, 1984, p. 140. Gol’ts claims (p. 308) that Pogodin here first raised the possibility of Russian novels modelled on those of Sir Walter Scott. Yet earlier in the same year, one of Scott’s most celebrated Russian admirers, Denis Davydov, told him that a visit to the Caucasian spas had prompted thoughts of a novel to compare with St Ronan’s Well (1824). Davydov also wrote to Pushkin, presumably inspiring the surviving fragment of a planned ‘Roman na Kavkazskikh vodakh’. See M.P. Alekseev, ‘Val’ter Skott i ego russkie znakomstva’, in Russko-Angliiskie literaturnye sviazi (XVIII vek-pervaia polovina XIX veka), Literatumoe nasledstvo, vol. 91, Moscow, 1982, pp. 286, 288.Google Scholar
  123. 91.
    Greenfeld, Nationalism, p. 250, takes ressentiment as her guiding theme.Google Scholar
  124. 92.
    Greenfeld, Nationalism, is a masterly recent treatment.Google Scholar
  125. 93.
    Richard S. Wortman, ‘Moscow and St Petersburg: The Problem of Political Center in Tsarist Russia, 1881–1914’, in Sean Wilentz (ed.), Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual and Politics since the Middle Ages, Philadelphia, 1985, pp. 244–74.Google Scholar
  126. 94.
    ‘Mainstream’ journals representing the ‘Muscovite’ viewpoint are Moskva, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, all of which have been closely associated with the Russian nationalist revival since the 1960s.Google Scholar
  127. 95.
    Valerii Khatiushin, ‘Satanizm demokratii’, Molodaia gvardiia, 1994, no. 9, pp. 143–69, at p. 146.Google Scholar
  128. 96.
    Prince M.M. Shcherbatov, On the Corruption of Morals in Russia, ed. and trans A. Lentin, Cambridge, 1969, p. 115 and passim.Google Scholar
  129. For a recent summary of the views one of the most significant derevenshchiki, see Valentin Rasputin, ‘Gde moia derevnia?’, Moskva, 1995, no. 2, pp. 3–5.Google Scholar
  130. 97.
    Aleksandr Ianov, Posle El’tsina: ‘Veimarskaia’ Rossiia, Moscow, 1995.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© School of Slavonic and East European Studies 1998

Authors and Affiliations

  • Simon Dixon

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations