Abstract
Because without industrial help certain experimental resources would be otherwise unavailable to scientists, instruments and their supply clearly represent a potential leverage point for the influence of industrialists on the practice of science. New instruments can open new phenomena to investigation. Scientific questions become interesting — or even conceivable — for the first time when novel tools are made available.1 And since disciplines are at least partially defined by the problems they address and the techniques they use to answer their questions, instrumentation can bring major changes in the boundaries and definitions of the various sciences.2 Moreover the social dynamics within sciences can be greatly affected when new technologies restructure laboratory work and authority patterns3 and/or alter the relative strengths of differently equipped laboratories.4 Hence instruments quite rightly command attention from those interested in scientific change and in the influence of industry upon it.
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Nicholas Jardine, The Scenes of Inquiry (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991).
Timothy Lenoir, ‘The Discipline of Nature and the Nature of Disciplines’, in Ellen Messer-Davidow, David Sylvan and David Shumway (eds), Knowledges: Historical and Critical Studies in Disciplinarity (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1993) pp. 70–102
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Historians of physics lead the way in this topic; see Peter Galison, ‘Bubble Chambers and the Experimental Workplace’, in Peter Achinstein and Owen Hanaway (eds), Observation Experiment, and Hypothesis in Modern Physical Science (Cambridge, Mass.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1985) pp. 309–73
John Heilbron and Robert Seidel, Lawrence and His Laboratory: A History of the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, vol. I (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).
Bruno Latour, Science in Action (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1985).
Warren Weaver, ‘Molecular Biology: Origins of the Term’, Science, vol. 170 (1970) pp. 581–82.
In addition to the pieces cited below, see Evelyn Fox Keller, ‘Physics and the Emergence of Molecular Biology: A History of Cognitive and Political Synergy’, J. Hist. Biol., vol. 23 (1990) pp. 389–409
Edward Yoxen, ‘Life as a Productive Force: Capitalizing upon Research in Molecular Biology’, in L. Levidow and R. Young (eds), Marxist Studies, vol. I: Science, Technology, and the Labour Process (London: CSE Books, 1981) pp. 66–122
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L. Kay, The Molecular Vision of Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
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Doris Zallen, ‘The Rockefeller Foundation and Spectroscopy Research: The Programs at Chicago and Utrecht’, J. Hist. Biol., vol. 25 (1992) pp. 67–89.
Otto Wolff, ‘From the Cathode-Ray Oscillograph to the High-Resolution Electron Microscope’, Advances in Electronics and Electron Physics, Supplement vol. 16 (1985) pp. 557–82.
On the technical history of the microscope itself, see J. Reisner, ‘An Early History of the Electron Microscope in the United States’, Advances in Electronics and Electron Physics, vol. 73 (1989) pp. 134–233
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C. Süsskind, ‘Ladislaus Marton, 1901–1979’, Advances in Electronics and Electron Physics, Supplement vol. 16 (1985) pp. 501–23.
Scientific instrument companies were in the 1930s still smaller specialist firms utilizing craftwork rather than assembly line methods, as they had been for centuries. See Mari Williams, The Precision Makers: A History of the Instruments Industry in Britain and France, 1870–1939 (London: Routledge, 1994).
Wilfried Feldenkirchen, ‘Big Business in Interwar Germany: Organizational Innovation at Vereingte Stahlwerke, IG Farben, and Siemens’, Business History Review, vol. 61 (1987) pp. 417–451.
Reisner, ‘An Early History’. See also G. Kunkel, ‘Technology in the Seamless Web: Success and Failure in the History of the Electron Microscope’, Technology and Culture, vol. 36 (1995) pp. 80–103.
Robert Sobel, RCA (New York: Stein and Day, 1986)
Thomas Lewis, Empire of the Air: The Men Who Made Radio (New York: HarperCollins, 1991).
Sobel, RCA, pp. 122–167; Albert Abramson, The History of Television, 1880–1941 (London: McFarland, 1987) pp. 108–225
Federal Communications Commission, Sixth Annual Report (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1940) pp. 70–2.
Ladislaus Marton, ‘A New Electron Microscope’, Physical Review, vol. 58 (1940) pp. 57–60.
These three provided specimens that Marton included in his paper ‘The Electron Microscope: A New Tool for Bacteriological Research’, Journal of Bacteriology, vol. 41 (1941) pp. 397–413. On Stanley, skilful self-publicist and physical gadgetry enthusiast, see Lily Kay, ‘W. M. Stanley’s Crystallization of the Tobacco Mosaic Virus, 1930–1940’, Isis, vol. 77 (1986) pp. 450–472.
Arnold Ravin, ‘The Gene as Catalyst; The Gene as Organism’, Studies in the History of Biology, vol. 1 (1977) 1–45.
See Daniel Kevles, ‘George Ellery Hale, the First World War, and the Advancement of Science in America’, Isis, vol. 59 (1968) pp. 427–37
Glenn Bugos, “Managing Cooperative Research and Borderland Science in the National Research Council, 1922–1942”, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, vol. 20 (1989) pp. 1–32.
Nicolas Rasmussen, ‘Making a Machine Instrumental: RCA and the Wartime Beginnings of Biological Electron Microscopy’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 27: 311–349 (1996).
Also see Reisner, ‘An Early History’, and Ted Smith, ‘Reflections’, EMSA Bulletin, vol. 14 (1984) pp. 19–21.
Paul B. Green, personal communication; T. F. Anderson,’ Some Personal Memories of Research’, Annual Review of Microbiology, vol. 29 (1975) pp. 1–18.
For instance: Anonymous, ‘Electron Microscope Magnifies Invisible World 25 000 Times’, Life, 29 April 1940, p. 54; Anonymous,’ smaller and Smaller’, Time, 28 October 1940, p. 50; Watson Davis, ‘30 000 Times Life Size!’, Reader’s Digest, vol. 37 (1940) pp. 13–16
As Adele Clarke has pointed out, some American sex researchers in the early part of this century strove for high scientific status by portraying their work as fundamental endocrinology or physiology. Seymour, as a practitioner of artificial insemination, could not escape the moral opprobrium surrounding the field by these means. See ‘Embryology and the Rise of American Reproductive Sciences, circa 1910–1940’, in Keith Benson, Jane Maienschein and Ronald Rainger (eds), The Expansion of American Biology (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1991) pp. 107–32.
Seymour to Mudd, 1 July 1941; MMB, carton 14. The paper was F. Seymour and M. Benmosche, ‘Magnification of Spermatozoa by Means of the Electron Microscope’, Journal of the American Medical Association, vol. 116 (1941) pp. 2489–90.
Mudd to Stanley, 26 February 1941; MMB, carton 14. Cf. Thomas Anderson, ‘Electron Microscopy of Phages’, in John Cairns, Gunther Stent and James Watson (eds), Phage and the Origins of Molecular Biology (Cold Spring Harbor: CSH Laboratory of Quantitative Biology, 1966) pp. 63–78.
Rasmussen, ‘Making a Machine Instrumental’; idem., Picture Control: The Electron Microscope and the Transformation of American Biology, 1940–60 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997).
See R. H. Green, T. F. Anderson, and J. E. Smadel, ‘Morphological Structure of the Virus of Vaccinia’, Journal of Experimental Medicine, vol. 75 (1942) pp. 651–7
S. E. Luria, M. Delbrück and T. F. Anderson, ‘Electron Microscope Studies of Bacterial Viruses’, J Bacteriology, vol. 46 (1943) pp. 57–77
L. A. Chambers, W. Henle, M. A. Lauffer and T. F. Anderson, Studies on the Nature of the Virus of Influenza, II, The Size of the Infectious Unit in Influenza A, J. Exp. Med., vol. 77 (1943) pp. 265–76.
See Brian Bracegirdle, A History of Microtechnique, 2nd edn (Lincolnwood, III: Science Heritage, 1986) pp. 63–4.
A. G. Richards, H. B. Steinbach and T. F. Anderson, ‘Electron Microscope Studies of Squid Giant Nerve Axoplasm’, Journal of Cellular and Comparative Physiology, vol. 21 (1943) pp. 129–43.
S. A. Mudd and T. F. Anderson,’ Selective Staining for Electron Micrography’, J. Exp. Med., vol. 76 (1942) pp. 103–8.
N. Rasmussen, ‘Facts, Artifacts, and Mesosomes: Practicing Epistemology with the Electron Microscope’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science vol. 24 (1993) pp. 227–65.
See Ian Hacking, Representing and Intervening (Cambridge University Press, 1983) pp. 186–209; Allan Franklin, The Neglect of Experiment (Cambridge University Press, 1986) ch. 6; Peter Kosso, ‘Dimensions of Observability’, British Journal of the Philosophy of Science, vol. 39 (1988) pp. 449–67
Clark to Anderson, 2 November 1942; TFA, carton 1 (quotation). Sterling Newberry, EMSA and Its People: The First Fifty Years (Woods Hole: Electron Microscopy Society of America, 1992) pp. 38–41
see also John Reisner, ‘Reflections’, EMSA Bulletin, vol. 20(2) (1990) pp. 49–53.
Vladimir Zworykin, ‘Electron Microscopy in Chemistry’, Electronics, vol. 16 (1943) pp. 64–8
H. M. Miller: memo of phone conversation with Marton, 10 December 1940; RF, group 1.1, series 205, box 10, folder 138. K. T. Compton to Weaver, 18 December 1940; Weaver to Compton, 26 December 1940; F. B. Hanson memo of phone conversation(s) with Schmitt, 30–1 December 1940; Schmitt to Hanson, 7 January 1941; all in RF group 1.1, series 224, box 4, folder 33. On Weaver’s intervention in the MIT life sciences program see Kohler, Partners, 316–21; also Francis Schmitt, The Never-Ceasing Search (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1991)
Schmitt, Search, p. 125; C. E. Hall, ‘Recollections From the Early Years: Canada—USA’, Advances in Electronics and Electron Physics, Supplemental vol. 16 (1985) pp. 275–96.
Hanson to Weaver, 1 July 1942; Weaver to Hanson, 3 July 1942; Schmitt to Hanson, 28 July 1942; Hanson diary entries on interviews with Schmitt at Woods Hole, 25–31 August 1942; all in RF group 1.1, series 224, box 4, folder 36. Cf. Schmitt, Search, 131–41; Hall, Recollections. A nominal OSRD contract was similarly crucial for George Beadle’s wartime productivity at Stanford; see Lily Kay,’ Selling Pure Science in Wartime: The Biochemical Genetics of G. W. Beadle’, J. Hist Biol, vol. 22 (1989) pp. 73–101.
H. S. Loring, L. Marton and C. E. Schwerdt, ‘Electron Microscopy of a Purified Lansing Virus’, Proceedings of the Society for Experimental Biology and Medicine, vol. 62 (1946) pp. 291–2
E. W. Schultz, P. R. Thomassen and L. Marton, ‘Electron Microscopic Observations on Pseudomonas aeruginosa Bacteriophage’, Ibid., vol. 68 (1948) pp. 451–5.
W. W. MacDonald, ‘Electron Microscopy in the United States’, Electronics, vol. 23(2) (August 1950) pp. 66–9
Mary Schuster Jaffe to Ernest Fullam, 1948; cited in Sterling Newberry, In Their Own Words: Excerpts from the EMSA Oral History Tapes (Woods Hole: EMSA, 1992) p. 16.
See Stephen Strickland, Politics, Science, and Dread Disease: A Short History of U.S. Medical Research Policy (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972)
Stephen Strickland, The Story of the NIH Grant Programs (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1989).
V. K. Zworykin, G. A. Morton, E. G. Ramberg, J. Hillier and A. W. Vance, Electron Optics and the Electron Microscope (New York: Wiley, 1945).
Sobel, RCA, pp. 122–67; Albert Abramson, The History of Television, 1880–1941 (London: McFarland, 1987) pp. 108–225
Federal Communications Commission, Sixth Annual Report (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1940) pp. 70–2.
See Paul Fussell, Wartime (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989)
Federal Communications Commission, Thirteenth Annual Report (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1947) pp. 22–6
William Boddy, ‘Launching Television: RCA, the FCC, and the Battle for Frequency Allocations, 1940–1947’, Historical Journal of Film, Radio, and Television, vol. 9 (1989) pp. 45–57.
See Erik Barnouw, Tube of Plenty, 2nd edn (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
For instance, see Harold Bloom, The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973).
For a more detailed explanantion, examples, and bibliography giving some of the early uses of this distinction, see F. Scott Gilbert, Developmental Biology (Sunderland, Mass.: Sinauer, 1985) ch. 16.Part II
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© 1998 Jean-Paul Gaudillière and Ilana Löwy
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Rasmussen, N. (1998). Instruments, Scientists, Industrialists and the Specificity of ‘Influence’: The Case of RCA and Biological Electron Microscopy. In: Gaudillière, JP., Löwy, I. (eds) The Invisible Industrialist. Science, Technology and Medicine in Modern History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26443-8_7
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