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Organised Dependence: Politicians and Bureaucrats in Japan

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Part of the book series: St Antony’s Series ((STANTS))

Abstract

By 1994 it had become anachronistic to think of Japan’s system of ministries and elite bureaucrats as contributing to the political and economic vitality of the nation.2 The bureaucracy is held responsible by some for increasingly rancorous trade conflicts with the United States.3 With the LDP’s loss of power in the summer of 1993, the intransigence of the bureaucracy on matters of policy, particularly on the issue of tax reform, has often left politicians looking inept and too willing to surrender the privileges and responsibilities of leadership to bureaucrats.4

A note on usage: this chapter is concerned with Japan’s system of higher civil servants. The term bureaucrat is used to refer exclusively to this group. In addition the use of the term bureaucracy is limited to Japan’s centralised system of ministries.

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Notes

  1. Ohmae Kenichi, Heisei kanryo-ron (Heisei era bureaucracy), Tokyo, Shogakkan, 1994.

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  2. The two most frequently cited works in this regard have been: Chalmers Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925–1975, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1982;

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  3. Daniel I. Okimoto, Between MITI and the Market: Japanese Industrial Policy for High Technology, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1989.

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  4. Woodrow Wilson, ‘The Study of Administration’, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 4, December 1941, pp. 481–506. Reprinted from The Academy of Political Science, 1887.

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  5. Chalmers A.Johnson, ‘MITI, MPT, and the Telecom Wars’, in Johnson, Tyson and Zysman(eds), Politics and Productivity, Stanford, 1989, p. 187. MITI is the Ministry of International Trade and Industry and MPT is the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications.

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  12. There are many advocates of this view among both Japanese and American scholars. but perhaps the most prolific on the subject has been Muramatsu Michio. For a good summary of his views, see‘Bringing Politics Back into Japan’, Daedalus, Vol. 119, No. 3, Summer 1990, pp. 141–54.

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  14. The JSP now likes to be known as the Social Democratic Party (SDP). One of the most famous cases of an ex-bureaucrat in an opposition party is that of Wada Hiroo. Wada was known as a left-leaning bureaucrat in the Agriculture-Forestry Ministry during the war and went on to play a prominent role in the Japan Socialist Party from the time he joined in 1949. See Otake Hideo, ‘Reannament Controversies and Cultural Conflicts in Japan: The Case of the Conservatives and the Socialists’, in Kataoka Tetsuya (ed.), Creating Single-Party Democracy: Japan’s Postwar Political System, Stanford, Hoover Institution Press, 1992, pp. 68–78.

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  23. Tahara Soichiro, Shin • Nihon no kanryo, Tokyo, Bunshun Bunko, 1988, pp. 12–36. The Prime Minister’s Office was reduced in size to create the Management and Coordination Agency. This was an attempt to give the prime ministership an organisational means to exert political control over the bureaucracy. By all accounts it created little more than a paper tiger and was a failed attempt. Whatever initial promise it showed was closely tied to the informal powers of its first director-general, Gotoda Masaharu. This will be taken up in a later chapter, as an example of weak attempts at institution building; bureaucratic politics can work to limit political leadership and change in Japan while also insuring the status quo distribution of power between ministries in Japan.

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  24. Quoted by Tahara Soichiro, Nihon no kanryo 1980, Tokyo, Bungei Shunju, 1980, p. 10.

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  27. The sources of bureaucratic privilege and power are varied and complex. The institutional side of the ledger would include lightly bounded systems of authority, as expressed through practices such as administrative guidance, and the maintenance of an extensive system of licence and approval functions that gives them a prominent role in the economy. Japan’s Fair Trade Commission estimates that nearly 40 per cent of the total value-added in the Japanese economy is subject to regulation by the bureaucracy. On the self-interest side of the ledger, though elite bureaucrats earn considerably less than their counterparts in finance and industry, the practice of amakudari (literally, descent from heaven), where these individuals retire from their ministries at the age of 60 or earlier to take lucrative advisory or executive posts in the private sector, is an important deferred incentive. Ministries also maintain an extensive network of public corporations that absorb large numbers of retiring bureaucratic elites into executive posts. Many of these posts are temporary, some running no more than one year, include large ‘retirement’ payments when these individuals move on to their next post-retirement position. See Chalmers Johnson, Japan’s Public Policy Companies, Washington, DC, American Enterprise Institute, 1978;

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  28. Murobushi Tetsuro, Kokyu Kanryo: riken ni saita aku no hana (Elite bureaucrats: the blossoming of an evil flower of vested rights), Tokyo, 1983;

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  30. Oliver Goldsmith, The Vicar of Wakefreld, London and Glasgow, 1766.

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© 1997 E. B. Keehn

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Keehn, E.B. (1997). Organised Dependence: Politicians and Bureaucrats in Japan. In: Clesse, A., Inoguchi, T., Keehn, E.B., Stockwin, J.A.A. (eds) The Vitality of Japan. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25489-7_6

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