Abstract
In 1960, as the process of globalisation began to move into historical high gear, seventeen new members entered the not coincidentally named United Nations Organisation.1 Reflecting on the worldwide process of decolonisation unfolding around him, the Harvard professor Rupert Emerson in the same year dubbed the nation the ‘terminal community’; nationhood was the locus of group identity and solidarity that invariably prevailed ‘when the chips are down’.2 In the world of 1960 the nationality principle did generally rank above, and override, alternative potential constructions of collective identity, e.g., in terms of smaller-scale locality, larger-scale region, religious faith, class, race, gender, sexual orientation, age and so on. These other touchstones of self-other relations also operated thirty-five years ago, and indeed often affected the particular shape and direction of a given national project. However, for the most part they were decidedly subordinate to that primary framework of ‘us-ness’, the nation. Thus women’s movements, ethnic associations, labour movements and religious campaigns were generally organised on national lines and usually rallied to ‘the national interest’, while generation politics and open collective expressions of lesbian and gay identities rarely surfaced at all. In 1960, forging group solidarity in the world system normally entailed, above anything else, identifying a territorial homeland and emphasising the national distinctiveness that was associated with that country.
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Notes
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Scholte, J.A. (1996). Globalisation and Collective Identities. In: Krause, J., Renwick, N. (eds) Identities in International Relations. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25194-0_3
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