Abstract
The role of summits in the international politics of post-colonial Africa must be seen within a context dominated by five factors. The first derives from the very process of decolonization itself. As the colonial flags came down and the new flags of the independent states rose to replace them, the formal powers and institutions were transferred from European states to the African states themselves, but this inheritance consisted of precisely those arrangements and links which had hitherto served the imperial states. Few involved long and well-developed understandings between countries, and the African states had little actual physical presence, in the form of embassies or High Commissions, in other sovereign states within the continent. Existing lines of communication were overwhelmingly limited to those between what was now an independent country and the former metropolitan power, because virtually the last responsibility to be handed over in the extended process of transferring power was control of foreign relations.1 Hence, the new states of Africa had to construct their foreign relations (as well as their foreign policies) de novo. What forms these would take and who would dominate them were initial questions of major importance to be resolved.2
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Notes and References
The paucity of diplomatic development is well caught and measured in David H. Johns, ‘Diplomatic exchange and inter-state inequality in Africa: an empirical analysis’, in Timothy M. Shaw and Kenneth A. Heard (eds.), The Politics of Africa: dependence and development (London, Longman, 1979), pp. 269–84. See also the same author’s ‘The “normalization” of intra-African diplomatic activity’, Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 10 (1972), pp. 597–610.
See, generally, I. William Zartman, International Relations in the New Africa (Lanham MD, University Press of America, 1987) and Olajide Aluko, The Foreign Policies of African States (London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1977).
The University of Oxford continues to provide a course for diplomats, despite the establishment of similarly targeted courses in places like the University of Nairobi.
See Richard Hodder-Williams, An Introduction to the Politics of Tropical Africa (London, Allen and Unwin, 1984), pp. 69–76 for an overview of the complexities associated with this term and the references cited there.
A classic exception to this was the competition between Tom Mboya and Oginga Odinga in Kenya in the late 1950s and early 1960s. See Tom Mboya, Freedom and After (London, Andre Deutsch, 1963) and Oginga Odinga, Not Yet Uhuru (London and Nairobi, Heinemann, 1967).
See Colin Legum, Panafricanism: a short political guide (New York, Praeger, 1961).
Catherine Hoskyns (ed.), The Organisation of African Unity and the Congo Crisis 1964–65: case studies in African diplomacy: 1 (Oxford University Press for the Institute of Public Administration, University College, Dar es Salaam, 1969) and Catherine Hoskyns (ed.), The Ethiopia-Somali-Kenya Dispute 1960–67: case studies in African diplomacy 2 (Oxford University Press for the Institute of Public Administration, University College, Dar es Salaam, 1969).
See Hodder-Williams, An Introduction to the Politics of Tropical Africa, pp. 84–5.
Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa: prince, autocrat, prophet, tyrant (Berkeley CA, University of California Press, 1982).
See, for example, the remarkable transformation in Ghana at the overthrow of Nkwame Nkrumah, as reported in Jack Goody, ‘Consensus and dissent in Ghana’, Political Science Quarterly, vol. 83 (1968), pp. 337–52.
Martin Bailey, ‘Zanzibar’s external relations’, International Journal of Politics, vol. 4 (1974–5), pp. 35–57.
M. Tamarkin, The Making of Zimbabwe: decolonization in regional and international politics (London, Frank Cass, 1990), pp. 250–1.
The 1966 meeting in Lagos was called especially to discuss Rhodesia. See also two articles by Derek Ingram: ‘Commonwealth Prime Ministers, 1969: the end of disenchantment?’, The Round Table, no. 232 (1968), pp. 357–64 and ‘The Commonwealth Meeting in Lusaka’, The Round Table, no. 271 (1979), pp. 204–10.
Martyn Gregory, ‘Rhodesia: from Lusaka to Lancaster House’, The World Today, vol. 36 (1980), pp. 11–18; Tamarkin, The Making of Zimbabwe, pp. 247–67.
Carolyn McMaster, Malawi: foreign policy and development (London, Julian Friedmann, 1974).
See, generally, Zdenek Cervenka, The Organisation of African Unity and its Charter (London, C. Hurst, 1969).
An excellent review of the OAU’s activities normally appears in the annual volume of Africa Contemporary Record.
Richard Cox, Pan-Africanism in Practice: PAFMECSA 1958–1964 (Oxford University Press, for the Institute of Race Relations, 1964).
The Lusaka Manifesto can be found in Africa Contemporary Record.
For example, W. Brandt et al., North-South: a programme for survival (London, Pan Books, 1980) and World Bank, Accelerated Development in sub-Saharan Africa (Washington DC, World Bank, 1981).
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© 1996 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited
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Hodder-Williams, R. (1996). African Summitry. In: Dunn, D.H. (eds) Diplomacy at the Highest Level. Studies in Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24915-2_9
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