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Abstract

Ireland has been a sovereign state for less than 70 years. Much of its constitutional development has focused on the assertion of this sovereignty in the face of continuing economic and cultural influences emanating from its more powerful neighbour and erstwhile coloniser, Great Britain. As a leading writer on Irish politics has observed:

When a national movement succeeds, people are very self-conscious about their statehood, however passive many of them may have been before. If the state is small and weak, anxiety about its continued existence and integrity is inevitably reflected in a heightened self-consciousness.1

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Notes

  1. B. Chubb, The Government and Politics of Ireland (London: Longman, 1982) p. 9.

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  2. See D. Schmitt, The Irony of Irish Democracy (Farnborough: D.C. Heath, 1973).

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  3. C. Townshend, Political Violence in Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983) p. 412.

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  4. Quoted in C. Brady, ‘Templemore ideal doesn’t apply on the job’, Irish Times, 7 November 1984.

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  5. The Irish Council for Civil Liberties, The Garda Siochana (Complaints Bill) 1985 (Dublin: ICCL, 16 October 1985).

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  6. M. Fogarty, L. Ryan and J. Lee, Irish Values and Attitudes (Dublin: Dominican Publications, 1984) passim.

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© 1996 John D. Brewer, Adrian Guelke, Ian Hume, Edward Moxon-Browne and Rick Wilford

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Brewer, J.D., Guelke, A., Hume, I., Moxon-Browne, E., Wilford, R. (1996). The Republic of Ireland. In: The Police, Public Order and the State. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24647-2_4

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