Abstract
‘I know something you don’t know’ is a mischievous, if not cruel, gnostic chant often heard on children’s playgrounds. Even children know that flaunting secrets encourages life’s most scintillating, though pernicious, game: the quest for power. Little do our children know that they are preparing for a life of diplomacy and international relations when they play such games.
We know, or should know, that every decrease in power is an open invitation to violence — if only because those who hold power and feel it slipping from their hands, be they the government or be they the governed, have always found it difficult to resist the temptation to substitute violence for it. Hannah Arendt, ‘On Violence’
Ideology pretends to be science, while the very admission of its concept leaves morality suspect. The least suspicion of ideology delivers to morality the most severe blow it has ever sustained. This suspicion probably signals the end of traditional ethics, and, in any case, overthrows the theory of duty and of value. Emmanuel Levinas, ‘Ideology and Idealism’
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Notes
Ian McEwan, The Innocent (New York: Doubleday, 1989). All future references are to this edition and are parenthetically referenced in the essay.
Audre Lorde, ‘Age, Race, Class, and Sex: Women Redefining Difference’, in Ethics: A Feminist Reader, ed. Elizabeth Frazer, Jennifer Hornsby and Sabina Lovibond (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1992) p. 213.
Ibid., pp. 213–14.
The something is indefinite by intention. It is crucial, but it is also a secret, and of course the point is not to allow any of us to know what the ‘thing’ is.
David Jasper, Rhetoric, Power and Community (London: Macmillan, 1993) p. 3.
Michel Foucault, ‘Truth and Power’, in Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings, 1972–77, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980) p. 122.
Of course the power play of body-politics did not end with the Cold War. We continue to see such posturing in the former state of Yugoslavia, as well as in the Middle East, and in the former USSR, to name only a very few examples.
I am not talking about the political policy of isolationism that is an attempt to remain insular and without influence on another nation or to avoid being influenced by another nation. I am talking about the isolation of secrets by nations who control global information and economics.
George Steiner, Language and Science (New York: Atheneum, 1970) p. ix.
Jean-François Lyotard, ‘The Sign of History’, in The Lyotard Reader, ed. Andrew Benjamin (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989) p. 393.
Ibid.
As I complete this text, I am aware that the current discussion is to slice and divide Bosnia into three pieces, according to ethnicity. The editors of the current issue of the US magazine The New Yorker describe this act, technically called ‘partition’, as ‘dismemberment’ (New Yorker, 26 July 1993, p. 4).
Whether by prediction or chance, it appears that McEwan’s novel becomes one of the first important fictions of ‘post-wall’ Europe.
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© 1996 Mark Ledbetter
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Ledbetter, M. (1996). The Games Body-Politics Plays: a Rhetoric of Secrecy in Ian McEwan’s The Innocent . In: Victims and the Postmodern Narrative or Doing Violence to the Body. Studies in Literature and Religion. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24590-1_6
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