Abstract
The 1945–1949 correspondence between the great Austrian novelist Hermann Broch (1886–1951) and his much younger friend Volkmar von Zuehlsdorff (born 1912) provides us with a revealing ‘moving picture’ of the burning moral, political and existential issues that confronted thinking people in the wake of the collapse of National Socialism and the attempt to create a new post-war democratic German order. Broch and Zuehlsdorff variously debated the question of German guilt and responsibility; the extent of internal opposition to Hitler; the uniqueness (or otherwise) of Nazi crimes; the prospects for German democratization and the dangers of Nazi recrudescence; the nature of Allied behaviour and retribution; the conduct and disposition of Jewish Displaced Persons (DPs); the dilemma of returning to Germany — both spent the war years in the USA — and the meaning and implications of exile. Beyond these particular questions, the correspondence wrestled with the complexities of ‘coming to terms’ with a compromised national past (and outlined some of the early available strategies for alternatively confronting or evading it). Above all it is permeated by a tension over the possibilities and limits of mutual empathy in the face of atrocity and a tussle over Jewish and German claims to victimization. For the historian, the Broch-Zuehlsdorff exchange constitutes a compelling, almost prescient, study in the embryonic construction of divergent, and always passionately charged, post-Nazi ‘German’ and ‘Jewish’ stances, perceptions and memories.1
‘Did I express myself so clumsily or is there simply no understanding between man and man, and thus not even between us two?’
Hermann Broch to Volkman von Zuehlsdorff
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Notes and References
Hermann Broch, Briefe ueber Deutschland 1945–1949. Die Korrespondenz mit Volkmar von Zuehlsdorff (ed. Paul Michael Luetzeler) (Frankfurt am Main, 1986). Henceforth, Briefe. I thank Gidon Reuveni for drawing my attention to this document.
Various commentators have commented on the persistence of Catholic themes and emphases in Broch even after he left the Church. See, for instance, Richard Brinkmann, ‘On Broch’s Concept of Symbol’ in Stephen D. Dowden (ed.), Hermann Broch: Literature, Philosophy, Politics (Columbia, SC, 1988), pp. 202ff. Broch himself was aware of its continuing — and not particularly desired — hold. As late as 1950 he wrote to Waldo Frank: ‘I am in the process of weeding out the last remnants of my Catholicism; that’s something that will have to happen before I die.’ See Paul Michael Luetzeler (ed.), Hermann Broch Briefe 3 (1945–1951), Kommentierte Werkausgabe, Band 13/3, (Frankfurt am Main, 1981), Letter 684, p. 413.
Hermann Broch, The Sleepwalkers, translated by Will and Edwin Muir (New York, 1964), pp. 525–6. This was yet another species of the Judaization thesis we have examined previously. ‘It looks as though the current of the absolute Abstract which for two thousand years has flowed through the ghettoes like an almost imperceptible trickle beside the great river of life should now become the main stream.’ At the same time, Broch’ s thesis was (rather simplistically) meant to account for the prevailing anti-semitic tenor of the times. Fear of the future, he wrote, was constantly active but it found ‘expression merely in a fear of the Jews, whose spirit and mode of living are felt, if not recognized to be a hateful image of the future.’
See Saul Friedlander, ‘West Germany and the Burden of the Past: The Ongoing Debate’, The Jerusalem Quarterly (Number 42, Spring 1987), p. 17.
See the collection of articles in Will Schaber (ed.), Aufbau. Reconstruction Dokumente einerKulturim Exil (New York and Koeln, 1972).
Briefe, No. 42, 28 December 1948, p. 133. For another example see Ernst von Salomon, The Answers: To the 131 Questions in the Allied Military Government ‘Fragebogen’, Preface by Goronwy Rees, translated by Constantine Fitzgibbon (London, 1954), p. 508 During my whole time in camp and prison’, Salomon quotes an inmate as saying, ‘the only antisemitic remarks I heard were all made by Americans.’
He wrote to Kurt Wolff that the slogan under which the book appeared — ‘the prophetic novel, demonstrating the predestination of the German people to Hitlerism’ was ‘no empty interpretation: the book was really prophetic and precisely as a result of the “disintegration of values” completely maintained its full meaning.’ See Letter 543 (11 August 1946), Paul Michael Luetzeler (ed.), Hermann Broch Briefe 3 (1945–1951), (Frankfurt am Main, 1981), p. 115. In The Sleepwalkers he had written about the insanity of war thus: ‘Is it to be referred to a mere indifference to others’ sufferings? to the indifference that lets a citizen sleep soundly next door to the prison yard in which someone is being hanged by the neck or guillotined? the indifference that needs only to be multiplied to produce public indifference to the fact that thousands of men are being impaled on barbed wire? Of course it is that same indifference, but it goes further than that; for here we have no longer merely two mutually exclusive fields of reality, that of the slayer on one side and of the slain on the other; we find them co-existing in one and the same individual.… it is a split in the totality of life and experience… a split that cuts right into the individual himself and his integral reality.’ See Hermann Broch, The Sleepwalkers: A Trilogy, translated by Willa and Edwin Muir, with an Introduction by Hannah Arendt (New York, 1964), pp. 374–5.
Rundfunkansprache an das deutsche Volk’, in Hermann Broch, Paul Michael Luetzeler (ed.), Politische Schriften. Kommentierte Werkausgabe, Vol.11 (Frankfurt am Main, 1978) p. 241.
For the most recent and comprehensive examination of this subject, see David Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution: Public Opinion under Nazism (Oxford, 1992).
A. borrowed a copper kettle from B. and after he had returned it was sued by B. because the kettle now had a big hole which made it unusable. His defence was: “First, I never borrowed a kettle from B. at all; secondly, the kettle had a hole in it already when I got it from him; and thirdly, I gave him back the kettle undamaged.”’ See Sigmund Freud, Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious, translated by James Strachey (New York, 1963), p. 62.
Zuehlsdorff enunicated an ongoing line of argument not only in terms of comparative relativisation but also in terms of his fury against Morgenthau. As recently as 1985 the editor of the mass circulation Der Spiegel, Rudolf Augstein, wrote that as far as Morgenthau was concerned Hitler had missed a good follower. The same article also argued for the comparative relativisation of atrocities. See Rudolf Augstein, ‘Auf die schiefe Ebene zur Republik’, Der Spiegel 2, 1985, pp. 31–2.
Jean Amery, At the Mind’s Limits: Contemplations by a Survivor on Auschwitz and its Realities trans. by Stanley Rosenfeld and Stella P. Rosenfeld (Bloomington, 1980) p. 65.
See Ronald Webster, ‘American Relief and Jews in Germany, 1945–1960: Diverging Perspectives’, Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook XXXVIII (1993), pp. 293ff.
For a detailed examination of both German and American perceptions, see Frank Stern, The Whitewashing of the Yellow Badge: Antisemitism and Philosemitism, trans. Willam Templer (Oxford, 1992).
The commentaries on the novel are legion. But for this reading, see especially George Steiner, ‘The Hollow Miracle’ in Language and Silence: Essays on Language, Literature and the Inhuman (New York, 1977) p. 103. In the Preface (p. xi) Steiner comments that ‘Broth’s life and works are of themselves an exemplary form of civilization, a refusal of cheapness and chaos.’
Hermann Broch: 1886–1951’, in Hannah Arendt, Men in Dark Times (New York, 1968) pp. 126–7.
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© 1996 Steven E. Aschheim
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Aschheim, S.E. (1996). The German-Jewish Dialogue at its Limits: The Case of Hermann Broch and Volkmar von Zuehlsdorff. In: Culture and Catastrophe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24401-0_5
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