Abstract
Towards late 1982 the increased cohesion amongst regional Latin American governments and the growing congressional wariness of the covert activities reduced the administration’s capacity to pursue its agenda. Though not totally cohesive, members of both groups moved towards curtailing contra funds against the thrust of the administration and the Central American governments provided with inducements to support the programme. The competing fora for dialogue and policy decisions became contentious diplomatic issues. As earlier surmised by Foreign Minister Jorge Castañeda, Mexico again offered a new search for peace. A joint letter from President José López Portillo and his Venezuelan counterpart, Luis Herrera Campíns, in September described to Reagan the grave situation between Nicaragua and Honduras, exacerbating the economic difficulties of these countries. Though they claimed to share a common objective with Washington to attain international peace and economic development in an ‘environment of freedom’, their contribution would pursue different methods to those of the United States. The US response in an undated letter from Reagan to López Portillo sometime between 21 September and 4 October, welcomed the initiative, and set out four goals to be addressed in the regional context. Primarily, ‘democratic pluralism within each nation that includes free and fair elections,’ had to be achieved; support for ‘terrorist and insurgent’ groups had to stop; a verifiable agreement banning importation of heavy weapons had to be reached; and foreign ‘security and military advisors’ had to be limited.
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Notes and References
John Brecher, John Walcott, David Martin, & Beth Nissen, ‘A Secret War For Nicaragua,’ Newsweek, (International edition), 8 November 1982, pp. 42, 46–47
Nina Serafino, Contra Aid FY82—FY88, Congressional Research Service, (Washington, D.C.: US Congress, 18 August 1988).
Bernard Weinraub, ‘Congress Renews Curbs On Actions Against Nicaragua,’ New York Times, 23 December 1982.
US Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, Security and Development Assistance: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, 98th Cong., 1st sess., 14 March 1983, 643, pp. 646–647
George Shultz, ‘Strengthening Democracy in Central America,’ Current Policy, no. 468, 16 March 1983.
Alfonso Chardy, ‘Diplomatic, military options prepared for Managua crisis,’ Miami Herald, 20 April 1983.
John Fenton, ‘Congress Directing Attention To Central America Policies,’ Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 41, no. 17 (30 April 1983), pp. 819–823
Barry Rubin, Secrets of State, [New York: Oxford University Press, 1985], pp. 225–226.
John Felton, ‘Republicans Against Aid Ban To Nicaraguan Rebel Troops,’ Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 41, no. 25 (25 June 1983), p. 1293
Marlise Simons, ‘Nicaragua Aides Hoping Regional Effort Will Forestall a Reputed US Plot,’ New York Times, 17 July 1983
Richard J. Meislin, ‘Latin Ministers Fail to Achieve Accord On Region,’ New York Times, 31 July 1983
Walter LaFeber, The Panama Canal: The Crisis in Historical Perspective, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 199–200.
Heath J. Meriwether and William R. Long, ‘Advisers, but not Government, Negotiable, Nicaragua says,’ Miami Herald, 13 August 1983
Tom J. Farer, ‘Manage The Revolution,’ Foreign Policy, no. 52 (Fall 1983): p. 111.
John Felton, ‘White House Gets Better Half Of a Covert Aid Compromise,’ Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 41, no. 47 (26 November 1983): pp. 2486–2487
Tomas Borge interview by Newsweek International Newsweek (14 November 1983): p. 24
Hedrick Smith, ‘US Policy on Nicaragua: Keep the Pressure On,’ New York Times, 1 December 1983
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© 1995 David Ryan
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Ryan, D. (1995). Contadora: Latin America Repudiates Washington 1983. In: US-Sandinista Diplomatic Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24229-0_3
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