Abstract
The rise of Islam and the creation during the seventh and early eighth centuries of an Arab empire that stretched from the Pyrenees to the Punjab, transformed the political and cultural geography of the Mediterranean and the Near East. Arguably, these events represent the most important developments in Europe and western Asia during the whole of the first millennium AD.1 However, for changes of such magnitude, they have left all too little record of themselves in terms of surviving contemporary evidence. Early society in the Arabian peninsula was pre-literate, though enjoying a well developed tradition of complex and formal oral poetic composition.2 With the exception of the Qu’rān, the record of successive divine revelations to the Prophet Muhammad in the years c.610 to 632, and traditionally held to have been compiled in written form c.650, there is no extant Arabic literature securely dateable to earlier than the late eighth century. Moreover, the accounts of even these, the first available Arabic histories of the origins and spread of Islam have recently been subjected to harsh criticism, which has fractured whatever degree of academic consensus there once existed in the field of modern Islamic studies.3
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References
R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe, 400–1000 (London, 1991) pp. 135–43.
E. Wagner, Grundzüge der klassischen arabische Dichtung vol. I (Darmstadt, 1987).
See, inter alia. J. Wansbrough, Quranic Studies (Oxford, 1977); P. Crone and M. Cook, Hagansm (A2(c)), pp. 3–34; P. Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Oxford, 1987).
See M. Whitby, ‘Greek Historical Writing after Procopius: Variety and Vitality’, in A. Cameron and L.I. Conrad (eds), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East (Princeton, 1992) pp. 25–80.
R.H. Charles (tr.), Chronicle of John (c. 690 AD) Coptic Bishop of Nikiu (London, 1916); F. Macler (tr.), Histoire d’Heraclius par Véuêque Sebéos (Paris, 1904).
The principal Arabic source for the life of Muhammad, the Sirat Rasul Allah of Ibn Ishaq (d. 768), surviving in the early ninth-century revision by Ibn Hisham (d. 833), is translated in A. Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad (Lahore, 1955).
W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford, 1953) pp. 1–29; P. Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Oxford, 1987) argues against this economic analysis.
Cf. P. Crone and M. Cook, Hagarism, p. 5 for a possible interpretation of this; on the conquests see F.M. Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton, 1981).
M. Brett, ‘The Arab conquest and the rise of Islam in North Africa’, in J.D. Fage (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, vol. II (Cambridge, 1978) pp. 490–555.
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See the Bibliography (B2(c)) for the texts and translations of the surviving sections of his work. Another early part of it was used by Lévi-Provençal but was not edited and has now been lost.
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For a good example see the three versions of the narrative of Ibn Hazm (d. 1064) of the battle of San Vicente in 981: Ibn Hazm, Naqt al-Arus, ed. and tr. C.F. Seybold and L. Seco de Lucena (Valencia, 1974) pp. 39–45.
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E.g. Al-Maqqarī’s figure of 100,000 men for Roderic’s army, and Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam’s 1,700 for that of Taríq: tr. Gayangos (A2(c)) vol. 1, p. 273 and tr. Jones (A2(c)), p. 18 respectively.
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On this see R. Collins, The Arab Conquest of Spain (A2(c)), pp. 26–41 and 52–63.
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Ibid. III. ii, (A2(c)), vol. I, pp. 213–31; O. Grabar, ‘Formation of Islamic Art’ (A4(c)), ch. 5.
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Ibid. VI. iii, vol. II, p. 95.
Ibid. VI. iv, vol. II, 117–21.
Ibid. VI. vi, vol. II, p. 168, and Appendix C, pp. XXXIX-XLII.
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Ibid. VII. i, vol. II, p. 202.
Ibn al Qūtīya (B2(c)), p. 78 for Muhammad ibn Walīd, Governor of Córdoba, a post that his father had held before him; pp. 49, 59, 70, 88, for three generations of administrators: Isa, Hajib under ‘Abd al-Rahmān II, his son Umayya, a vizier under Muhammad I’, and his grandson ‘Abd al-Rahman, Hajib to the Amir Al-Mundhir’.
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© 1995 Roger Collins
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Collins, R. (1995). The Arab Conquest. In: Early Medieval Spain. New Studies in Medieval History. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24135-4_6
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